J. D. PEARSON
ATTITUDES AND PERCEPTIONS CONCERNING ELDERLY SAMOANS IN RURAL WESTERN SAMOA, AMERICAN SAMOA, AND URBAN HONOLULU
ABSTRACT. Samoan cultural values place a high emphasis on respect and obedience toward elders. However, modernization and migration have caused changes in traditional social structure, social organization, household composition, economic opportunities, and health care systems. This article reports results from interviews on attitudes and perceptions of the elderly administered to 137 young adults (aged 18-37) and 106 older adults (aged 41-82) in rural Western Samoa, modernizing American Samoa, and Samoan migrants in urban Honolulu. The results indicate there are significant signs of both change and stability in the status of elderly Samoans. Over 75% of Samoans report that the elderly are respected, obeyed, and consulted on important decisions. However, Samoans in American Samoa and Honolulu report that the status of the elderly has declined over the past ten years. Older Samoans in Honolulu emphasize the maintenance of traditional norms rather than changes in the behavior toward the elderly.
Key Words: aging, cross-cultural, migration, modernization, Polynesia, Samoa, status INTRODUCTION
Fa'aSamoa, the Samoan way of life, has traditionally placed great emphasis on respect and obedience towards elders (Mead 1930; Holmes 1972). Although every Samoan community has its unique characteristics, fa'aSamoa is a strong influence in all Samoan communities, even urban Honolulu. Yet, modernization and migration have caused tremendous changes in Samoan social structure, social organization, household composition, economic opportunities, and health care systems. The traditional contexts for the status of the elderly are rooted in the age hierarchy within the extended family ('aiga) and village, as well as the political structure of the village and district (the matai system). The most important Samoan social unit is the 'aiga, a large extended family headed by a hierarchy of matais or chiefs who possess authority over the assets and membership of the 'aiga (Mead 1930). Each community consists of several 'aiga and community affairs are managed by the matai council. When a matai title is vacated, the title is awarded by a vote of the portion of the family which is associated with the title. Criteria for election to matai titles include kinship, service, knowledge of Samoan customs, and achievement. As a result, most individuals do not receive a matai title until middle age or later. Thus, the power and prestige of matai status (or being the spouse of a matai) begin in middle or old age and act to reinforce the status of the elderly. In situ modernization and migration are producing changes in Samoan social structure and organization that may eventually influence the status of the elderly. In American and Western Samoa, some matai titles are being split so that Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 7" 69-88, 1992. © ! 992 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
70
J.D. PEARSON
several individuals may share the title simultaneously in order to increase the number of 'alga members that are eligible to vote or hold political office. This has had the effect of diluting the influence of some matai titles and of allowing younger men to become matai. Education has allowed some young men and women to obtain high paying jobs which has allowed them to gain status in the 'aiga or sometimes led them to resist relinquishing their entire paycheck to the family. Migration to cosmopolitan cities in the U.S. and New Zealand has led to drastic changes in household composition, dispersal of 'aiga members, and the increased influence of Samoan pastors (Ablon 1971; Fitzgerald and Howard 1990). In American Samoa and Hawaii, there is an inherent conflict between traditional Samoan values, such as matai authority and pooling of 'aiga resources, and Western values such as democracy and individualism. Research in Samoan populations has played a central role in the development (Holmes 1972) and refinement (Rhoads 1984) of modernization and aging theory. For example, fieldwork in 1976 by Rhoads (1984) suggested that the status of the elderly remained high in both traditional and more modem settings of American Samoa because conservative Samoan cultural values may mediate modemization's effect on the status of the aged. Aging and modernization theory (Cowgill and Holmes 1972; Cowgill 1974) postulates that the status of the elderly declines with modemization because of changes in health technology, economic technology, urbanization and education. The decline in the status of the elderly was hypothesized to be associated with later onset of old age, chronological definitions of old age, increased longevity, less authority conferred by age, and increased government responsibility for the well being of the elderly. However, aging and modernization theory has been criticized on both theoretical and empirical grounds, as has the concept of modernization (e.g., Howard 1986). Various authors have criticized modernization and aging theory for (1) idealizing the status of the elderly in traditional societies (Laslett 1976; Fischer 1978); (2) ignoring the indirect effects of modernization in regions adjacent to modernizing areas (Goldstein and Beall 1982); (3) ignoring aspects of status other than prestige and social standing (Goldstein and Beall 1982; Glascock 1982); and (4) ignoring the confounding effects of unique characteristics of specific kinship and political systems and various models of global development (Rhoads 1984; Sokolovsky 1982). Furthermore, Palmore and Manton (1974) have suggested that the status of the elderly may decline temporarily during the period of rapid change but then may stabilize and rise again after the rates of change have leveled off and the educational and economic discrepancies between the young and old decrease. The strong contrasts in the social infrastructures of Western, American Samoa, and Honolulu provide an opportunity to study the effects of modernization and migration on the status of the elderly in groups with a relatively homogeneous cultural heritage. The purpose of this paper is to examine current attitudes towards the elderly among Samoans living in three contrasting sociocultural settings and to assess the amount of change in attitudes perceived over the last ten years.
ATTITUDESTOWARDSELDERLYSAMOANS
71
POPULATIONS, SAMPLES, AND METHODS
Samples and Populations The Samoan archipelago is a series of nine volcanic islands in Polynesia located approximately midway between Hawaii and New Zealand at a latitude of 14 degrees south. Data were collected in 1986 and 1987 in collaboration with a larger study of stress and health in modernizing populations conducted by the University of Hawaii (Pearson and Hanna 1989; Pearson et al. 1990; Pearson 1989, 1990; Fitzgerald and Howard 1990; Hanna et al. 1991). The interviews with elder Samoans in Honolulu were conducted in 1989. The participants in the present study are convenience samples from three areas: (1) Neiafu, a remote rural village at the western tip of Savai'i, Western Samoa which represents one of the least modernized areas in Samoa; (2) seven villages on the southern shore of Tutuila, American Samoa where there has been considerable modernization; and (3) a dispersed sample in urban Honolulu who resided primarily in public housing projects. Interviews on attitudes about aging were conducted with 47 young adults and 41 older adults in rural Savai'i, Western Samoa; 39 young adults and 25 older adults on Tutuila, American Samoa; and 51 young adults and 42 older adults in urban Honolulu (Table I). The young adults were participants in the larger stress and health study and were convenience samples chosen to be comparable to each other in age and sex composition. Most of the older participants in Western Samoa and American Samoa were elder relatives of the younger participants, although 12% of the samples were recruited from the outside population. Since many of the younger participants in Honolulu lived in households without elders, most of the older participants in Honolulu were recruited from a senior citizen nutrition program at a public housing project where most of the younger participants resided. Because of historical and political factors, the independent nation of Western Samoa has been exposed to modernization much less than the U.S. territory of American Samoa. The island of Savai'i is the larger, less populated, and more traditional of the two major islands in Western Samoa. The economy is based largely on subsistence agriculture, some cash cropping, exploitation of marine resources from offshore coral reefs, remittances from overseas, and a limited amount of wage labor on government plantations (Gage 1986). Most Savai'i villages are coastal communities with populations of less than 500. Most individuals on Savai'i have fewer than nine years of education. The indigenous health care system is the source of most initial health care, although there are five trained doctors for the 43,000 residents of Savai'i. The village of Neiafu is one of the westernmost villages on the island of Savai'i in Western Samoa. Neiafu was chosen as the study site in Western Samoa because of its distance from the modernizing influences of the capital city of Western Samoa which is to the east on the island of Upolu, a limited availability of transportation, and because of its maintenance of traditional Samoan values. Thus, Neiafu should not be considered to be representative of
72
J. D. PEARSON TABLE I Ages and sample sizes of the aging interview samples Western Samoa
American Samoa
Honolulu
Young adults
Older adults
Young adults
Older adults
Young adults
Older adults
Men (N=22) Mean age 24.0 S.D. 4.3 Range 19-35
(N=17) 58.4 7.5 47-73
(N=20) 24.7 5.3 19-37
(N=9) 61.7 I 1.9 41--82
(N=22) 25.9 5.5 19-37
(N=19) 62.7 9.5 41-73
Women (N=25) Mean age 23.6 S.D. 3.6 Range 19-33
(N=24) 56.2 8.2 46-78
(N=I9) 22.8 4.0 19-33
(N=14) 54.9 12.0 44-76
(N=29) 24.3 4.2 19-33
(N=23) 61.8 9.8 41-75
Westem Samoa as a whole or even of rural Savai'i. Neiafu is a sandy beach village without running water or electricity. The majority of structures are traditional fales with no walls and thatched roofs. Household composition follows traditional patterns. Over 75% of the households contain three or more generations, 92% of the households contain a matai, and 90% of the young people serve a matai daily (Fitzgerald and Howard 1990). Although Neiafu is one of the most traditional villages in Western Samoa, there have been a number of recent signs of economic development and modernization. Within the past five years, a paved road and electrical service were extended to within one mile of Neiafu. This has resulted in a greater proportion of villagers participating in wage labor at government-operated plantations and in some villagers moving to homes nearer the road. A number of matai titles in the village have been split in order to allow more individuals to vote in national elections. In contrast to Western Samoa, development in American Samoa has been strongly influenced by United States military and national security interests. American Samoa was annexed by the U.S. in 1900 and a naval base was enlarged during W o r d War II. During World War II almost all of the male population was involved in naval employment. When the naval base was closed, employment levels dropped until government services were expanded by the U.S. Interior Department administration. By 1974, only 6% of adult men were employed in agricultural work (Greksa et al. 1986). Public service employment has increased to the point where the government is the largest employer in the territory. Commercial employment is confined to two tuna canneries, a can manufacturing facility, and a limited amount of light industry. Family-owned village stores, buses, and taxis have become significant outlets for private enterprise. In 1984, the minimum hourly wage rates ranged from $1.75/hour to $ 2.67/hour. Educational television was introduced in 1964 to increase the uniformity of instruction. When educational programming was cut back in the early 1970s, American commercial television programming was increased and
ATTITUDES TOWARDS ELDERLY SAMOANS
73
has been a strong modernizing influence. The elderly in Samoa are eligible for Social Security benefits and a Territorial Administration on Aging now provides nutritional, transportation, medical, employment, and legal services. In 1987, The Nazareth House, the first western-style home for the elderly in American Samoa, began operations. Western-style health care is available at little or no cost to American Samoans at the LBJ Tropical Medical Center. In 1980, the population of American Samoa was 32,400; 57.5% of which had been born in American Samoa, 30% in Westem Samoa, and 6.8% in the U.S. (American Samoa 1985). All of the American Samoan villages in the study are coastal villages on the southern coast of Tutuila. Houses are typically European-style or neo-Samoan fales that have walls and utilize modem building materials. All of the villages have electricity and running water and are connected by a well-maintained asphalt road. On Tutuila, an island approximately 196 km 2 in size, over 3000 private vehicles were registered in 1984, as well as 139 buses and 56 taxis (American Samoa 1985). Household composition and matai service are different from the Neiafu, Western Samoa sample. Fewer households consist of three or more generations (44%), only 24% of the households contained a matai, and only 37% of the young people served a matai daily or even weekly (Fitzgerald and Howard 1990). Since 1950, there has been a major wave of outmigration of Samoans to urban communities on the U.S. mainland, Hawaii, New Zealand, and various Pacific nations (Baker, Hanna, and Baker 1986). The 1980 U.S. Census enumerated 14,073 Samoans residing in Hawaii, but this number probably underestimates the true population size significantly (Franco 1987). Census data indicate that 33.1% of the Samoan population in Hawaii was born in Hawaii, 33.6% born in American Samoa, 28.1% in Westem Samoa, and 5.2% on the U.S. mainland. In 1980, approximately 45% of the Samoans in Hawaii resided in urban Honolulu and 78% had lived in Hawaii for more than five years. The majority bf the subjects resided in public housing projects in urban Honolulu. Samoans make up 17-54% of the population in the housing projects included in this study (Franco 1987). Although matai councils existed in some of these housing projects in the 1970s, the councils have become less active or disappeared completely by the time of this study. Many Samoan activities are now oriented around the many Samoan churches in Hawaii and pastors have gained influence in Samoan migrant communities. Household composition and matai service are more similar to U.S. patterns than traditional Samoan patterns. Only 17% of the households contained three or more generations, only 12% contained a matai and only 12% of the young people reported serving a matai daily or weekly (Fitzgerald and Howard 1990). Data Collection
The interviews followed a structured format with side-by-side English and Samoan written translations with an interpreter present. The interview protocol
74
J.D. PEARSON
closely followed the instrument developed by Rhoads (1981) although a number of new items were added to assess the amount of perceived change in attitudes over the past ten years (Appendix A). The English version of the instrument was translated into Samoan independently by two Samoan informants and was then back-translated to ensure accuracy in translation. In cases where responses to questions were open-ended, the responses were grouped into post hoc categories based upon the content of the responses. RESULTS Traditional Samoan definitions of old age are still evident among older Samoans in Western Samoa but are shifting toward modem chronological definitions in American Samoa and Hawaii (Table II). Less than 10% of older Western Samoans report chronological age as an important factor in determining if a person is old. Instead, they consider a person old based on appearance (e.g., grey hair, wrinkles), poor health, and physical weakness. Appearance is one of the most common responses in all the samples. American Samoans and Samoans in Honolulu report chronological age to be important more than two times as often as Western Samoans. Older Samoans in Honolulu frequently report weakness and poor health to be signs of old age. When asked about the chronological onset of old age, the older Samoans in all three samples indicate that old age begins after age 60 (Table II). Young adults in Western Samoa report that old age begins at an age of 65-70 years, but the young adults in American Samoa and Honolulu report that old age begins at age 56--60. More than 75% of young and older Samoans report that elderly Samoans are highly respected, are consulted for important family decisions, receive special courtesies, are respected for their knowledge, and are obeyed by younger Samoans (Table IR). However, young adults are significantly less likely than older adults to report that the elderly do things for the family every day (P < 0.05). In spite of the apparent high status of the elderly, less than 15% of the subjects report that old age is the best time of life (Figure 1). Over half of the subjects report that the best time of life was as a child or young adult. With modernization, the proportion of subjects reporting young adulthood as the best time of life increases markedly, while the proportion of older men reporting middle-age as the best time of life decreases from 35% to 0%. Moreover, American Samoans and Samoans in Honolulu are significantly more likely than Western Samoans to report that the status of the elderly has declined over the last ten years (Figure 2). American Samoans are more likely to report that elders are listened to less, are respected less for their knowledge, and are obeyed less than ten years ago. Older American Samoans report the decline significantly more often than younger American Samoans (P. < 0.05), but in Honolulu, younger Samoans report the decline more often than older Samoans. Less than 15% of the older Samoans in these samples report their health to be
66.0 10.5
At what age does a person become old? Mean (yrs) 65.6 69.1 70.5 S.D. 8.9 10.4 12.4
Each individual could give up to three responses.
38% 4%
8% 49% 66% 16%
How do you know when a person is old?a Age 14% 6% 32% Appearance 69% 53% 44% Health 64% 65% 64% Inactive 14% 6% 28% Mature actions 10% 12% Weakness 19% 47% 12% Forgetful 10% 6%
59.4 12.5
40% 70% 20% 15% 15% 5% 5%
Young
62.8 7.6
11%
33% 44% 22% 11%
Old
Young
Young
Old
Men
Women
Men
Old
American Samoa
Westem Samoa
56.0 13.9
5%
54% 85% 5% 10% 21%
Young
Women
58.9 7.9
45% 5% 5%
14% 21% 14%
63.4 11.7
23% 95% 23%
Young
Men
Honolulu
43% 21% 21%
Old
TABLE II Contemporary Samoan definitions of old age
57.8 15.1
53% 11%
58% 32% 32% 5%
Old
52.7 19.4
21% 3% 7%
21% 62% 21%
Young
Women
60.3 4.1
57% 26%
39% 39% 43%
Old
".,..,1
100%
100%
59%
100%
100% 100%
69%
95%
86%
86%
91%
82% 90%
86%
54%
84% 92%
92%
68%
84%
88%
88%
100% 96%
100%
75%
96%
100%
45%
95% 84%
100%
95%
85%
95%
67%
100% 89%
89%
100%
100%
100%
Old
11%
100% 100%
100%
89%
100%
95%
Young
Women
86%
100% 93%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Old
41%
91% 84%
95%
82%
77%
100%
Young
Men
Honolulu
89%
100% 89%
95%
100%
100%
79%
Old
48%
100% 86%
100%
97%
76%
100%
Young
Women
91%
100% 100%
100%
91%
100%
100%
Old
elderly do things for the family every day.
Note: The only statistically significant comparisons in the table are that younger men and women are significantly less likely to report that the
Elderly are respected Elderly consulted on important decisions Elderly receive special treatment Elderly respected for knowledge Elderly are source of cultural knowledge Elderly are obeyed Elderly do things for the family
Young
Young
Young
Old
Men
Women
Men
Old
American Samoa
Western Samoa
TABLE IIl Current attitudes toward the elderly
~o O z
O
-....1
77
ATTITUDES TOWARDS ELDERLY SAMOANS
LIFE STAGE REPORTED AS "BEST TIME OF LIFE" A
100 GO
F(J i,i
80
m
LL
60
o
i.i
40 i.i 0 ~ i" h 0-
20 0
_ C Y M 0 Western Samoa • B& ABA
C Y M 0 American Samoa
Young Men Old Men
x_, EY M 0 Honolulu
O - - • Young Women O - - 0 Old Women
Fig. 1. Although the status of the elderly is generally high, less than 15% of Samoans report old age to be the best time of life. Furthermore, Samoans in American Samoa and Honolulu are much more likely to report young adulthood to be the best time of life ("C" = childhood, "Y" = young adulthood, "M" = middle age, "O" = old age).
poor or bad (Table IV). Similarly, approximately 80% o f the older Samoans in the Western and American Samoan samples report they have enough food for their needs. However, only 35% o f the older Samoans in Honolulu report they have enough food. In every sample except the American Samoan men, less than a third o f the older Samoans report having enough money for their needs. Older Samoans in rural Western Samoa report they receive their food and money from agricultural work and their children. Older men in American Samoa support themselves by wage labor and government programs such as Social Security. Older American Samoan women receive their support from a variety o f sources including government programs, children, spouses, and wage labor. Two thirds o f the older Samoans in Honolulu report government programs as their major source o f support. DISCUSSION Traditionally, chronological age is not very important in the Samoan definition o f old age. Instead, a person is considered old based on maturity o f actions,
12%
82%
Adequate income 36%
Adequate food
Source of economic support Agriculture 64% 56% Wage labor 32% Government Spouse Parents 5% Children 44%
68%
6%
29% 47% 18%
Self-reported health Excellent 14% Good 23% Fair 55% Poor Bad 9%
4%
24% 16% 63%
29% 4%
83%
13%
25% 33% 25% 8% 8%
32% 28%
64%
32%
20% 24% 48% 4% 4%
35%
56% 44%
100%
95%
10% 55%
78%
22% 33% 44%
Old
65%
5% 70% 25%
Young
Young
Young
Old
Men
Women
Men
Old
American Samoa
Western Samoa
26% 26%
47%
100%
47%
26% 58% 11% 5%
Young
Women
14% 29% 21% 7% 29%
93%
31%
7%
29% 21% 43%
Old
TABLE IV Health and economic status responses
5%
86% 9%
95%
68%
18% 59% 18% 5%
Young
Men
Honolulu
5%
26% 68%
37%
5%
21% 68% 11%
Old
45% 10% 34% 10%
76%
34%
7%
21% 52% 21%
Young
Women
4% 65% 30%
35%
9%
9% 13% 65% 9% 4%
Old
O z
".4
ATTITUDESTOWARDSELDERLY SAMOANS
Obeyed Less than
79
10 Y e a r s Ago
lO0 •
80
x
"
x WS.AS
ATTITUDES AND PERCEPTIONS CONCERNING ELDERLY SAMOANS IN RURAL WESTERN SAMOA, AMERICAN SAMOA, AND URBAN HONOLULU
ABSTRACT. Samoan cultural values place a high emphasis on respect and obedience toward elders. However, modernization and migration have caused changes in traditional social structure, social organization, household composition, economic opportunities, and health care systems. This article reports results from interviews on attitudes and perceptions of the elderly administered to 137 young adults (aged 18-37) and 106 older adults (aged 41-82) in rural Western Samoa, modernizing American Samoa, and Samoan migrants in urban Honolulu. The results indicate there are significant signs of both change and stability in the status of elderly Samoans. Over 75% of Samoans report that the elderly are respected, obeyed, and consulted on important decisions. However, Samoans in American Samoa and Honolulu report that the status of the elderly has declined over the past ten years. Older Samoans in Honolulu emphasize the maintenance of traditional norms rather than changes in the behavior toward the elderly.
Key Words: aging, cross-cultural, migration, modernization, Polynesia, Samoa, status INTRODUCTION
Fa'aSamoa, the Samoan way of life, has traditionally placed great emphasis on respect and obedience towards elders (Mead 1930; Holmes 1972). Although every Samoan community has its unique characteristics, fa'aSamoa is a strong influence in all Samoan communities, even urban Honolulu. Yet, modernization and migration have caused tremendous changes in Samoan social structure, social organization, household composition, economic opportunities, and health care systems. The traditional contexts for the status of the elderly are rooted in the age hierarchy within the extended family ('aiga) and village, as well as the political structure of the village and district (the matai system). The most important Samoan social unit is the 'aiga, a large extended family headed by a hierarchy of matais or chiefs who possess authority over the assets and membership of the 'aiga (Mead 1930). Each community consists of several 'aiga and community affairs are managed by the matai council. When a matai title is vacated, the title is awarded by a vote of the portion of the family which is associated with the title. Criteria for election to matai titles include kinship, service, knowledge of Samoan customs, and achievement. As a result, most individuals do not receive a matai title until middle age or later. Thus, the power and prestige of matai status (or being the spouse of a matai) begin in middle or old age and act to reinforce the status of the elderly. In situ modernization and migration are producing changes in Samoan social structure and organization that may eventually influence the status of the elderly. In American and Western Samoa, some matai titles are being split so that Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 7" 69-88, 1992. © ! 992 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
70
J.D. PEARSON
several individuals may share the title simultaneously in order to increase the number of 'alga members that are eligible to vote or hold political office. This has had the effect of diluting the influence of some matai titles and of allowing younger men to become matai. Education has allowed some young men and women to obtain high paying jobs which has allowed them to gain status in the 'aiga or sometimes led them to resist relinquishing their entire paycheck to the family. Migration to cosmopolitan cities in the U.S. and New Zealand has led to drastic changes in household composition, dispersal of 'aiga members, and the increased influence of Samoan pastors (Ablon 1971; Fitzgerald and Howard 1990). In American Samoa and Hawaii, there is an inherent conflict between traditional Samoan values, such as matai authority and pooling of 'aiga resources, and Western values such as democracy and individualism. Research in Samoan populations has played a central role in the development (Holmes 1972) and refinement (Rhoads 1984) of modernization and aging theory. For example, fieldwork in 1976 by Rhoads (1984) suggested that the status of the elderly remained high in both traditional and more modem settings of American Samoa because conservative Samoan cultural values may mediate modemization's effect on the status of the aged. Aging and modernization theory (Cowgill and Holmes 1972; Cowgill 1974) postulates that the status of the elderly declines with modemization because of changes in health technology, economic technology, urbanization and education. The decline in the status of the elderly was hypothesized to be associated with later onset of old age, chronological definitions of old age, increased longevity, less authority conferred by age, and increased government responsibility for the well being of the elderly. However, aging and modernization theory has been criticized on both theoretical and empirical grounds, as has the concept of modernization (e.g., Howard 1986). Various authors have criticized modernization and aging theory for (1) idealizing the status of the elderly in traditional societies (Laslett 1976; Fischer 1978); (2) ignoring the indirect effects of modernization in regions adjacent to modernizing areas (Goldstein and Beall 1982); (3) ignoring aspects of status other than prestige and social standing (Goldstein and Beall 1982; Glascock 1982); and (4) ignoring the confounding effects of unique characteristics of specific kinship and political systems and various models of global development (Rhoads 1984; Sokolovsky 1982). Furthermore, Palmore and Manton (1974) have suggested that the status of the elderly may decline temporarily during the period of rapid change but then may stabilize and rise again after the rates of change have leveled off and the educational and economic discrepancies between the young and old decrease. The strong contrasts in the social infrastructures of Western, American Samoa, and Honolulu provide an opportunity to study the effects of modernization and migration on the status of the elderly in groups with a relatively homogeneous cultural heritage. The purpose of this paper is to examine current attitudes towards the elderly among Samoans living in three contrasting sociocultural settings and to assess the amount of change in attitudes perceived over the last ten years.
ATTITUDESTOWARDSELDERLYSAMOANS
71
POPULATIONS, SAMPLES, AND METHODS
Samples and Populations The Samoan archipelago is a series of nine volcanic islands in Polynesia located approximately midway between Hawaii and New Zealand at a latitude of 14 degrees south. Data were collected in 1986 and 1987 in collaboration with a larger study of stress and health in modernizing populations conducted by the University of Hawaii (Pearson and Hanna 1989; Pearson et al. 1990; Pearson 1989, 1990; Fitzgerald and Howard 1990; Hanna et al. 1991). The interviews with elder Samoans in Honolulu were conducted in 1989. The participants in the present study are convenience samples from three areas: (1) Neiafu, a remote rural village at the western tip of Savai'i, Western Samoa which represents one of the least modernized areas in Samoa; (2) seven villages on the southern shore of Tutuila, American Samoa where there has been considerable modernization; and (3) a dispersed sample in urban Honolulu who resided primarily in public housing projects. Interviews on attitudes about aging were conducted with 47 young adults and 41 older adults in rural Savai'i, Western Samoa; 39 young adults and 25 older adults on Tutuila, American Samoa; and 51 young adults and 42 older adults in urban Honolulu (Table I). The young adults were participants in the larger stress and health study and were convenience samples chosen to be comparable to each other in age and sex composition. Most of the older participants in Western Samoa and American Samoa were elder relatives of the younger participants, although 12% of the samples were recruited from the outside population. Since many of the younger participants in Honolulu lived in households without elders, most of the older participants in Honolulu were recruited from a senior citizen nutrition program at a public housing project where most of the younger participants resided. Because of historical and political factors, the independent nation of Western Samoa has been exposed to modernization much less than the U.S. territory of American Samoa. The island of Savai'i is the larger, less populated, and more traditional of the two major islands in Western Samoa. The economy is based largely on subsistence agriculture, some cash cropping, exploitation of marine resources from offshore coral reefs, remittances from overseas, and a limited amount of wage labor on government plantations (Gage 1986). Most Savai'i villages are coastal communities with populations of less than 500. Most individuals on Savai'i have fewer than nine years of education. The indigenous health care system is the source of most initial health care, although there are five trained doctors for the 43,000 residents of Savai'i. The village of Neiafu is one of the westernmost villages on the island of Savai'i in Western Samoa. Neiafu was chosen as the study site in Western Samoa because of its distance from the modernizing influences of the capital city of Western Samoa which is to the east on the island of Upolu, a limited availability of transportation, and because of its maintenance of traditional Samoan values. Thus, Neiafu should not be considered to be representative of
72
J. D. PEARSON TABLE I Ages and sample sizes of the aging interview samples Western Samoa
American Samoa
Honolulu
Young adults
Older adults
Young adults
Older adults
Young adults
Older adults
Men (N=22) Mean age 24.0 S.D. 4.3 Range 19-35
(N=17) 58.4 7.5 47-73
(N=20) 24.7 5.3 19-37
(N=9) 61.7 I 1.9 41--82
(N=22) 25.9 5.5 19-37
(N=19) 62.7 9.5 41-73
Women (N=25) Mean age 23.6 S.D. 3.6 Range 19-33
(N=24) 56.2 8.2 46-78
(N=I9) 22.8 4.0 19-33
(N=14) 54.9 12.0 44-76
(N=29) 24.3 4.2 19-33
(N=23) 61.8 9.8 41-75
Westem Samoa as a whole or even of rural Savai'i. Neiafu is a sandy beach village without running water or electricity. The majority of structures are traditional fales with no walls and thatched roofs. Household composition follows traditional patterns. Over 75% of the households contain three or more generations, 92% of the households contain a matai, and 90% of the young people serve a matai daily (Fitzgerald and Howard 1990). Although Neiafu is one of the most traditional villages in Western Samoa, there have been a number of recent signs of economic development and modernization. Within the past five years, a paved road and electrical service were extended to within one mile of Neiafu. This has resulted in a greater proportion of villagers participating in wage labor at government-operated plantations and in some villagers moving to homes nearer the road. A number of matai titles in the village have been split in order to allow more individuals to vote in national elections. In contrast to Western Samoa, development in American Samoa has been strongly influenced by United States military and national security interests. American Samoa was annexed by the U.S. in 1900 and a naval base was enlarged during W o r d War II. During World War II almost all of the male population was involved in naval employment. When the naval base was closed, employment levels dropped until government services were expanded by the U.S. Interior Department administration. By 1974, only 6% of adult men were employed in agricultural work (Greksa et al. 1986). Public service employment has increased to the point where the government is the largest employer in the territory. Commercial employment is confined to two tuna canneries, a can manufacturing facility, and a limited amount of light industry. Family-owned village stores, buses, and taxis have become significant outlets for private enterprise. In 1984, the minimum hourly wage rates ranged from $1.75/hour to $ 2.67/hour. Educational television was introduced in 1964 to increase the uniformity of instruction. When educational programming was cut back in the early 1970s, American commercial television programming was increased and
ATTITUDES TOWARDS ELDERLY SAMOANS
73
has been a strong modernizing influence. The elderly in Samoa are eligible for Social Security benefits and a Territorial Administration on Aging now provides nutritional, transportation, medical, employment, and legal services. In 1987, The Nazareth House, the first western-style home for the elderly in American Samoa, began operations. Western-style health care is available at little or no cost to American Samoans at the LBJ Tropical Medical Center. In 1980, the population of American Samoa was 32,400; 57.5% of which had been born in American Samoa, 30% in Westem Samoa, and 6.8% in the U.S. (American Samoa 1985). All of the American Samoan villages in the study are coastal villages on the southern coast of Tutuila. Houses are typically European-style or neo-Samoan fales that have walls and utilize modem building materials. All of the villages have electricity and running water and are connected by a well-maintained asphalt road. On Tutuila, an island approximately 196 km 2 in size, over 3000 private vehicles were registered in 1984, as well as 139 buses and 56 taxis (American Samoa 1985). Household composition and matai service are different from the Neiafu, Western Samoa sample. Fewer households consist of three or more generations (44%), only 24% of the households contained a matai, and only 37% of the young people served a matai daily or even weekly (Fitzgerald and Howard 1990). Since 1950, there has been a major wave of outmigration of Samoans to urban communities on the U.S. mainland, Hawaii, New Zealand, and various Pacific nations (Baker, Hanna, and Baker 1986). The 1980 U.S. Census enumerated 14,073 Samoans residing in Hawaii, but this number probably underestimates the true population size significantly (Franco 1987). Census data indicate that 33.1% of the Samoan population in Hawaii was born in Hawaii, 33.6% born in American Samoa, 28.1% in Westem Samoa, and 5.2% on the U.S. mainland. In 1980, approximately 45% of the Samoans in Hawaii resided in urban Honolulu and 78% had lived in Hawaii for more than five years. The majority bf the subjects resided in public housing projects in urban Honolulu. Samoans make up 17-54% of the population in the housing projects included in this study (Franco 1987). Although matai councils existed in some of these housing projects in the 1970s, the councils have become less active or disappeared completely by the time of this study. Many Samoan activities are now oriented around the many Samoan churches in Hawaii and pastors have gained influence in Samoan migrant communities. Household composition and matai service are more similar to U.S. patterns than traditional Samoan patterns. Only 17% of the households contained three or more generations, only 12% contained a matai and only 12% of the young people reported serving a matai daily or weekly (Fitzgerald and Howard 1990). Data Collection
The interviews followed a structured format with side-by-side English and Samoan written translations with an interpreter present. The interview protocol
74
J.D. PEARSON
closely followed the instrument developed by Rhoads (1981) although a number of new items were added to assess the amount of perceived change in attitudes over the past ten years (Appendix A). The English version of the instrument was translated into Samoan independently by two Samoan informants and was then back-translated to ensure accuracy in translation. In cases where responses to questions were open-ended, the responses were grouped into post hoc categories based upon the content of the responses. RESULTS Traditional Samoan definitions of old age are still evident among older Samoans in Western Samoa but are shifting toward modem chronological definitions in American Samoa and Hawaii (Table II). Less than 10% of older Western Samoans report chronological age as an important factor in determining if a person is old. Instead, they consider a person old based on appearance (e.g., grey hair, wrinkles), poor health, and physical weakness. Appearance is one of the most common responses in all the samples. American Samoans and Samoans in Honolulu report chronological age to be important more than two times as often as Western Samoans. Older Samoans in Honolulu frequently report weakness and poor health to be signs of old age. When asked about the chronological onset of old age, the older Samoans in all three samples indicate that old age begins after age 60 (Table II). Young adults in Western Samoa report that old age begins at an age of 65-70 years, but the young adults in American Samoa and Honolulu report that old age begins at age 56--60. More than 75% of young and older Samoans report that elderly Samoans are highly respected, are consulted for important family decisions, receive special courtesies, are respected for their knowledge, and are obeyed by younger Samoans (Table IR). However, young adults are significantly less likely than older adults to report that the elderly do things for the family every day (P < 0.05). In spite of the apparent high status of the elderly, less than 15% of the subjects report that old age is the best time of life (Figure 1). Over half of the subjects report that the best time of life was as a child or young adult. With modernization, the proportion of subjects reporting young adulthood as the best time of life increases markedly, while the proportion of older men reporting middle-age as the best time of life decreases from 35% to 0%. Moreover, American Samoans and Samoans in Honolulu are significantly more likely than Western Samoans to report that the status of the elderly has declined over the last ten years (Figure 2). American Samoans are more likely to report that elders are listened to less, are respected less for their knowledge, and are obeyed less than ten years ago. Older American Samoans report the decline significantly more often than younger American Samoans (P. < 0.05), but in Honolulu, younger Samoans report the decline more often than older Samoans. Less than 15% of the older Samoans in these samples report their health to be
66.0 10.5
At what age does a person become old? Mean (yrs) 65.6 69.1 70.5 S.D. 8.9 10.4 12.4
Each individual could give up to three responses.
38% 4%
8% 49% 66% 16%
How do you know when a person is old?a Age 14% 6% 32% Appearance 69% 53% 44% Health 64% 65% 64% Inactive 14% 6% 28% Mature actions 10% 12% Weakness 19% 47% 12% Forgetful 10% 6%
59.4 12.5
40% 70% 20% 15% 15% 5% 5%
Young
62.8 7.6
11%
33% 44% 22% 11%
Old
Young
Young
Old
Men
Women
Men
Old
American Samoa
Westem Samoa
56.0 13.9
5%
54% 85% 5% 10% 21%
Young
Women
58.9 7.9
45% 5% 5%
14% 21% 14%
63.4 11.7
23% 95% 23%
Young
Men
Honolulu
43% 21% 21%
Old
TABLE II Contemporary Samoan definitions of old age
57.8 15.1
53% 11%
58% 32% 32% 5%
Old
52.7 19.4
21% 3% 7%
21% 62% 21%
Young
Women
60.3 4.1
57% 26%
39% 39% 43%
Old
".,..,1
100%
100%
59%
100%
100% 100%
69%
95%
86%
86%
91%
82% 90%
86%
54%
84% 92%
92%
68%
84%
88%
88%
100% 96%
100%
75%
96%
100%
45%
95% 84%
100%
95%
85%
95%
67%
100% 89%
89%
100%
100%
100%
Old
11%
100% 100%
100%
89%
100%
95%
Young
Women
86%
100% 93%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Old
41%
91% 84%
95%
82%
77%
100%
Young
Men
Honolulu
89%
100% 89%
95%
100%
100%
79%
Old
48%
100% 86%
100%
97%
76%
100%
Young
Women
91%
100% 100%
100%
91%
100%
100%
Old
elderly do things for the family every day.
Note: The only statistically significant comparisons in the table are that younger men and women are significantly less likely to report that the
Elderly are respected Elderly consulted on important decisions Elderly receive special treatment Elderly respected for knowledge Elderly are source of cultural knowledge Elderly are obeyed Elderly do things for the family
Young
Young
Young
Old
Men
Women
Men
Old
American Samoa
Western Samoa
TABLE IIl Current attitudes toward the elderly
~o O z
O
-....1
77
ATTITUDES TOWARDS ELDERLY SAMOANS
LIFE STAGE REPORTED AS "BEST TIME OF LIFE" A
100 GO
F(J i,i
80
m
LL
60
o
i.i
40 i.i 0 ~ i" h 0-
20 0
_ C Y M 0 Western Samoa • B& ABA
C Y M 0 American Samoa
Young Men Old Men
x_, EY M 0 Honolulu
O - - • Young Women O - - 0 Old Women
Fig. 1. Although the status of the elderly is generally high, less than 15% of Samoans report old age to be the best time of life. Furthermore, Samoans in American Samoa and Honolulu are much more likely to report young adulthood to be the best time of life ("C" = childhood, "Y" = young adulthood, "M" = middle age, "O" = old age).
poor or bad (Table IV). Similarly, approximately 80% o f the older Samoans in the Western and American Samoan samples report they have enough food for their needs. However, only 35% o f the older Samoans in Honolulu report they have enough food. In every sample except the American Samoan men, less than a third o f the older Samoans report having enough money for their needs. Older Samoans in rural Western Samoa report they receive their food and money from agricultural work and their children. Older men in American Samoa support themselves by wage labor and government programs such as Social Security. Older American Samoan women receive their support from a variety o f sources including government programs, children, spouses, and wage labor. Two thirds o f the older Samoans in Honolulu report government programs as their major source o f support. DISCUSSION Traditionally, chronological age is not very important in the Samoan definition o f old age. Instead, a person is considered old based on maturity o f actions,
12%
82%
Adequate income 36%
Adequate food
Source of economic support Agriculture 64% 56% Wage labor 32% Government Spouse Parents 5% Children 44%
68%
6%
29% 47% 18%
Self-reported health Excellent 14% Good 23% Fair 55% Poor Bad 9%
4%
24% 16% 63%
29% 4%
83%
13%
25% 33% 25% 8% 8%
32% 28%
64%
32%
20% 24% 48% 4% 4%
35%
56% 44%
100%
95%
10% 55%
78%
22% 33% 44%
Old
65%
5% 70% 25%
Young
Young
Young
Old
Men
Women
Men
Old
American Samoa
Western Samoa
26% 26%
47%
100%
47%
26% 58% 11% 5%
Young
Women
14% 29% 21% 7% 29%
93%
31%
7%
29% 21% 43%
Old
TABLE IV Health and economic status responses
5%
86% 9%
95%
68%
18% 59% 18% 5%
Young
Men
Honolulu
5%
26% 68%
37%
5%
21% 68% 11%
Old
45% 10% 34% 10%
76%
34%
7%
21% 52% 21%
Young
Women
4% 65% 30%
35%
9%
9% 13% 65% 9% 4%
Old
O z
".4
ATTITUDESTOWARDSELDERLY SAMOANS
Obeyed Less than
79
10 Y e a r s Ago
lO0 •
80
x
"
x WS.AS
