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Attitudes, Perceptions, and Risk-Taking Behaviors of Smokers, Ex-Smokers, and Nonsmokers Richard J. Jenks

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Department of Sociology , Indiana University Southeast , USA Published online: 01 Jul 2010.

To cite this article: Richard J. Jenks (1992) Attitudes, Perceptions, and Risk-Taking Behaviors of Smokers, Ex-Smokers, and Nonsmokers, The Journal of Social Psychology, 132:5, 569-575, DOI: 10.1080/00224545.1992.9713895 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224545.1992.9713895

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The Journal of Social Psychology. 132(5), 569-575

Attitudes, Perceptions, and Risk-Taking Behaviors of Smokers, Ex-Smokers, and Nonsmokers RICHARD J. JENKS Department of Sociology Indiana University Southeast

ABSTRACT. A sample of American adults completed questionnaires relevant to cigarette smoking. The questions were related to three areas: risk, perceptions of their or others’ smoking, and satisfaction with life and health. The results revealed that smokers were greater risk-takers, that they perceived their smoking to be due to both physical and psychological addictions, and that they expressed less satisfaction and control. Results also indicated that smokers who saw their smoking as being addictive tended to be less satisfied with their health and felt less control over their lives. On the other hand, those smokers who were more likely to deny the health risks did not differ from either non- or ex-smokers on any of the satisfaction or control questions.

CIGARETTE SMOKING has become a topic of great controversy in the United States in the last few years. Since the 1950s, researchers have been finding connections between smoking and diseases such as lung cancer and heart disease. This research culminated with the Surgeon General’s report in 1964. Prior to this period, however, cigarette smoking was viewed as a perfectly acceptable, if not desirable, form of behavior (Nuehring & Markle, 1974). In the last three decades we have witnessed significant changes in terms of usage and perceptions. In 1955, for example, almost 57% of American men 18 years of age or older smoked; by 1966, the figure was approximately 51%, and by 1985, it was down to 33.5%. The percentage of females who smoked actually increased between 1955 and 1966 (from 28.4% to 32.9%) Address correspondence to Richard J. Jenks, Department of Sociology, Indiana Vniversity Southeast, 4201 Grant Line Road, New Albany. IN 47150. 569

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but had decreased to 27.6% by 1985 (Fiore et a]., 1989; Nuehring & Markle, 1974). A change in people’s attitudes and perceptions has accompanied the decrease in smoking. In Markle and Troyer’s (1979) study, it was found that over 80% of current smokers and almost 95% of nonsmokers agreed that “smoking is harmful to one’s health.” Bleda and Sandman (1977) found that smokers were rated negatively by nonsmokers, and Elkind (1985) found that female smokers were typically viewed as unladylike, common, and cheap by nonsmokers. Other studies have investigated the extent to which smokers and nonsmokers differ in the attributions they make for smoking, and the results have indicated, for example, that smokers, in comparison with nonsmokers, are more likely to agree with the relaxation motive for smoking. Nonsmokers, on the other hand, have been found to be more likely to say that smokers smoke because it is both a pleasurable activity and addictive (Kleinke, Staneski, & Meeker, 1983). Theoretically, both attribution theory (Jones & Nisbett, 1972) and cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger, 1957) have typically been used to explain the results. According to attribution theory, smokers will view their smoking as due to external factors (e.g., role models), and nonsmokers will explain smoking as being due to internal factors (e.g., smoking is an addiction; Eiser, Sutton, & Wober, 1978). The studies testing that particular theory, however, have been inconsistent (Sadava & Weithe, 1985). According to the cognitive dissonance model, smokers handle any dissonance in one of two ways: They deny that smoking is dangerous to their health, or they agree that they are addicted to smoking. By using the latter reason, they could live with their dissonance by claiming that it is “out of their hands.” Using a random sample, I examined some of these variables, breaking down the analysis by smoking category. Specifically, subjects answered eight questions related to their perceptions of smoking and why they (for the smokers) or others (for the nonsmokers) smoke. On the basis of previous research (Kleinke, Staneski, & Meeker, 1983), I predicted that smokers, in comparison to non- and ex-smokers, would be more likely to attribute their smoking to relaxation and less likely than nonsmokers to attribute it to addictioneither physiological or psychological-or to pleasure. If only the smokers were considered, dissonance theory, as already mentioned, could have been applied: The assumption of dissonance could be made but it could be resolved in either of two ways (denying the health risks or saying it is addictive). Therefore, no specific form of dissonance reduction was predicted. However, I hypothesized that the response of smokers to a second set of questions could be influenced by their mode of dissonance reduction.

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Respondents answered a second set of questions about their satisfaction with their lives in general, their health, and the amount of control that they felt they had over their lives. If the smokers deny the harmful aspects of smoking, they would be no more likely than the other groups to express dissatisfaction or to say they have little control. On the other hand, if the smokers believe that they are addicted to smoking and that smoking is bad for them, then they may be more likely to say that they are dissatisfied and, because things are essentially out of their hands, they also should experience less life control. Finally, respondents indicated the extent to which they engaged in three other behaviors: drinking alcohol, wearing a seat belt, and eating a wellbalanced diet. A fourth question asked, in general, the extent to which they saw themselves as risk-takers. On the basis of past research showing that smokers were less likely than nonsmokers to eat well (Whichelow, Golding, & Treasure, 1988), I predicted that smokers would be more likely to take risks in other areas as well. Specifically, I hypothesized that smokers would be more likely to see themselves as risk-takers, and to drink more, and that they would be less likely to wear their seat belts, or to eat a well-balanced diet.

Method Respondents and Questionnaire

A total of 479 respondents drawn from a metropolitan area of approximately 1 million people were selected randomly from a telephone directory. When a household was reached, the general nature of the study was disclosed and the person, if over the age of 18, was asked to complete a questionnaire. If the person consented, an appropriate questionnaire (for a smoker, a nonsmoker, or an ex-smoker) was then sent to the address given. In addition, a questionnaire was sent to an address located on the same block as that of the respondent reached by phone. The sample consisted of 156 smokers, 144 exsmokers, and 179 nonsmokers. Approximately 50% agreed to complete the questionnaire. A three-page questionnaire consisting of 96 separate items was used. Everyone received the same two-page questionnaire containing standard sociodemographic and personality items and a third page of items relevant to their particular group. Cigarette smokers completed a questionnaire relevant to their own smoking, ex-smokers (defined as those who had stopped smoking at least 6 months before the study) were asked about their past smoking behavior, and nonsmokers indicated their own views on why people smoke. For the assessment of the different groups on other risky behaviors, respondents indicated, along a 5-point continuum, the extent to which they

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drank alcohol, wore seat belts, and ate a well-balanced diet. They also indicated, on a 7-point scale, how risky they saw themselves to be.

Results

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Risk and Perceptions Smokers were found to be most likely to say that they were risk-takers and to drink alcoholic beverages and least likely to wear their seat belts or eat a wellbalanced diet (see Table 1). An analysis of variance (ANOVA) revealed significant differences on the alcohol and seat belt questions, and marginal results ( p < . l o ) were found for the diet question; no significant differences appeared on the general risk-taking question. Psychological addiction was most likely to be named by the smokers as the main reason for their smoking, followed closely by relaxation and physical addiction; weight control was considered least important. Also, the smokers tended to disagree with the idea that it would be easy to stop smoking. When the three groups were compared on the items by using an analysis of variance (ANOVA), significant differences appeared on all of the items (see Table 2). Nonsmokers were most likely than either of the other two groups to see relaxation and weight control as reasons for smoking. They also perceived smoking to be a more pleasant activity. In contrast, smokers were most likely to agree that smoking is both psychologically and physically addictive, that it is a dirty habit, and that it will lead to major health problems, although they were least likely to say that they smoke to control their weight and that it is easy to quit. The ex-smokers were least likely to agree that it is physically and psychologically addictive. TABLE 1 Means for the Three Groups on Risk-taking Habit

Risk-taking Alcohol use Seat belt use Eating a well-balanced diet

Smokers

Nonsmokers

Ex-smokers

4.7 2.8 2.2 2.3

4.5 3.2 I .7 2.2

4.3 2.9 1.8 2.0

F

1.5 6.5"; 9.4*:* 2.0

Nore. Responses for risk-taking were given on a 7-point scale ranging from never true ( I ) to ulwuys true (7). Responses for the remaining three were given on a 4-point scale ranging from all the rime ( I ) to nor at ull (4). "p < .01. **I> < ,001.

TABLE 2 Mean Scores for the Three Groups on Eight Items Relating to Smoking

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Item Relaxation Weight control Physically addictive Psychologically addictive Pleasant activity Dirty habit Easy to quit Will lead to major health problems

Smokers

Nonsmokers

Ex-smokers

2.1 4.0 2.1 1.9

1.5 2.4 2.5 2.5

2.0 3.6 2.7 2.7

2.6 2.6

2.2 3.2 3.1 3.1

2.3 2.7 3.2 2.6

4.0

2.5

F

14.5** 61.5**

15.5** 12.8**

4.4* 9.2** 19.9** 10.7**

Nore. Responses were given along a 5-point continuum ranging from rorally agree ( I ) to rotally disagree (5). * p < . O l . **p < .MI.

Satisfaction and Control Data relevant to the satisfaction and control questions appear in Table 3. Overall, smokers expressed the least satisfaction with their health, their lives in general, and the control they felt they had over their lives. Only the health question, however, revealed significant differences, F(2) = 3.0, p < .05. Finally, smokers were considered on the basis of whether they believed smoking would lead to major health problems. Those who tended to deny the health risks (>3.5 on the 5-point scale) did not differ statistically from the non- or ex-smokers, although they did express the least satisfaction with both health and life. On the other hand, when these smokers who agreed that smoking is an addiction ( c 2 . 5 on the 5-point scale) were considered, they were significantly less satisfied with their health, F(2) = 3.8, p < .05, and the differences on life control approached significance,F ( 2 ) = 2.6, p = .07.

Discussion Results revealed that, as hypothesized, smokers engaged in riskier behaviors than the other groups did. In addition, they were more likely to characterize themselves as risk-takers. It would seem, then, that smoking is only part of a more general pattern of behavior that shortens one’s life expectancy. When asked to indicate their reasons for smoking, both the smokers and ex-smokers said that they smoked to relax. Nonsmokers were much more likely than I expected to list the same reason as a major one for why they

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TABLE 3 Mean Scores for the Three Groups on Satisfaction and Control

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Item Life satisfaction Health satisfaction Life control

Smokers

Nonsmokers

Ex-smokers

F

2.1 2.8 2.6

2.6 2.5 2.5

2.5 2.6 2.3

0.8

3.0* 2.0

Nore. Responses were given along a continuum ranging from rorul(1) to none ( 5 ) . *p < .05.

think people smoke; in fact, they listed this as the most important reason for smoking. Although one of the reasons given for smoking was weight control, current smokers and ex-smokers were less likely to list this as a reason for their smoking, whereas nonsmokers were much more likely to list it as important. Contrary to expectations, the smokers were more, not less, likely to feel that smoking is addictive, both physically and psychologically, and that it could lead to major health problems. These smokers seemed to relieve any dissonance concerning their smoking by saying that smoking is addictive, both physically and psychologically, rather than denying the health hazards. Quite possibly, the information bombardment by the media has become so strong that it is now impossible to avoid the information or deny the health costs of smoking. In addition, as mentioned above, it could be argued that, although the smokers recognized the health risks, they were prisoners to their addiction, for if they believed that smoking was not addictive and therefore easier to quit, they would face the dissonance of believing that (a) they could quit and (b) that smoking could lead to health problems. Therefore, although they agreed that smoking is a dirty habit and that it could lead to major health problems, they were able to deal with this by saying that they were “hooked” and, therefore, could not do anything about it. The ex-smokers were less likely than the smokers to agree that smoking is addictive, either physically or psychologically. These responses may have come from their own experience: They smoked and were able to quit, so smoking must not be addictive. As predicted, those smokers who denied the risks of smoking did not differ from the other groups on satisfaction or control. On the other hand, when those smokers who believed that they were addicted were compared with other groups, they scored significantly lower on health satisfaction and were marginal on the life control question. It would seem, therefore, that health and control over their lives were more relevant. Life satisfaction, being

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so general and encompassing so many things, did not appear to influence their smoking or how they perceived their smoking. In conclusion, any kind of program to quit smoking should involve a wider range of issues and behaviors than smoking itself. A general lifestyle of risk-taking behaviors along with possible lesser feelings of control, satisfaction, and self-esteem should be considered. REFERENCES Bleda, P. R., & Sandman, P. H. (1977). In smoke’s way: Socioemotional reactions to another’s smoking. Journal of Applied Psychology, 62, 452-458. Eiser, J. R., Sutton, S. R., & Wober, M. (1978). Smokers and non-smokers’ attributions about smoking: A case of actor-observer differences? British Journal of Clinical and Social Psychology, 17, 189490. Elkind, A. K. (1985). The social definition of women’s smoking. Social Science and Medicine, 20, 1269-1278. Festinger, L. (1957). A theory ofcognitive dissonance. Evanston, IL: Stanford University Press. Fiore, M. C., Novotny, T. E., Pierce, J. P., Hatziandreu, E. J., Patel, K. M., & Davis, R. M. (1989). Trends in cigarette smoking in the United States. Journal of the American Medical Association, 261, 49-55. Jones, E. E., & Nisbett, R. E. (1972). The actor and the observer: Divergent perceptions of causality. In E. E. Jones & R. E. Nisbett (Eds.), Attribution: Perceiving the causes of behavior. Momstown, NJ: General Learning Press. Kleinke, C. L., Staneski, R. A., & Meeker, F. B. (1983). Attributions for smoking behavior: Comparing smokers with nonsmokers and predicting smokers’ cigarette consumption. Journal of Research in Personality, 17, 242-255. Markle, E., & Troyer, R. J. (1979). Smoke gets in your eyes: Cigarette smoking as deviant behavior. Social Problems, 26, 61 1-624. Nuehring, E., & Markle, G. E. (1974). Nicotine and norms: The re-emergence of a deviant behavior. Social Problems, 21, 5 13-526. Sadava, S. W., & Weithe, H. (1985). Maintenance and attributions about smoking among smokers, nonsmokers, and ex-smokers. International Journal of the Addictions, 20, 1533-1544. Whichelow, M. J., Golding, J. F., & Treasure, F. P. (1988). Comparison of some dietary habits of smokers and nonsmokers. British Journal of rhe Addictions, 83, 295-304.

Received September 13, 1991

Attitudes, perceptions, and risk-taking behaviors of smokers, ex-smokers, and nonsmokers.

A sample of American adults completed questionnaires relevant to cigarette smoking. The questions were related to three areas: risk, perceptions of th...
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