Black South African women on excursions: A reflection on the quality of township life for seniors.

VALERIE M~L!.I~.R

BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN ON EXCURSIONS: A REFLECTION ON THE QUALITY OF TOWNSHIP LIFE FOR SENIORS*

ABSTRACT. Club excursions afford unique learning experiences for senior black women which redefine roles for older township women and reinforce positive intergenerational relationships. Personal accounts of the highlights of excursions out of townships obtained from over 120 female club members in focus group interviews contrast sharply with their daily experience of the depressed quality of life in the townships. Evidence suggests that participation in senior excursions, which are commonly viewed as a luxury in developing contexts, enhances the social prestige of older women in the community. From a human resources development viewpoint, it is argued that excursions which inspire self-confidence and widen horizons may assist the older generation to make a greater contribution to shaping community life in post-apartheid South Africa. Key Words: leisure travel, older women, subjective well-being

The luncheon club movement, which caters exclusively to the urban black population of South Africa, is still in its infancy. Prior to 1980 there were no formal welfare services for the urban black elderly (Eales 1980). 1 It was only after the recognition of the permanence of blacks in the urban areas that community organizations were created to administer to their needs. The first service centres, k n o w n as luncheon clubs, were opened in 1982 by the local societies for the aged in Transvaal townships (see Figure 1). Thereafter the luncheon club movement grew rapidly in major urban centres. There are currently some 30 clubs operating in Soweto, the largest black residential area in the Transvaal with a population of over two million (Mzizi 1989). Although most services for the aged in South Africa are operated by private welfare agencies, state subsidies are awarded to service centres which meet specified standards. In 1989, only two luncheon clubs for blacks received state subsidies compared to 106 state subsidized service centres serving the white elderly (Mzizi 1989). The aims of the luncheon clubs, which attract mainly women, are to empower the elderly and improve their quality of life. To fulfil these aims luncheon club members are involved in the running of their clubs. Management by committee is also requisite for state subsidy. Clubs typically feature an elected committee which reports to the local society for the aged. In some areas volunteers have been trained to assist professional social workers in the running of the clubs. The luncheon clubs receive their name from one of their main functions: in order to earn a minimal state subsidy, they must produce at least two meals a week to cater for a m i n i m u m of 20 members. In order to earn additional state subsidy the clubs must offer a range of at least six activities (Bryan 1991). Excursions 2 feature as one of the standard activities of luncheon clubs. As is

Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 7: 399--428, 1992. © 1992Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

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*SunC~ resort

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Fig. I. Map of South Africa showing study areas and popular tourist destinations.

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the case in other parts of the world (AMK Reach Out 1988), excursions are very popular among participants and attract new members to the clubs. However, senior club excursions are not without controversy. By way of celebration of the year of the aged in 1982, a welfare agency serving senior citizens organized outings to a popular resort that features a casino. The reactions of the sponsors and the public to expenditure on recreation of this nature for the elderly were mixed. Critical public reaction concerning excursions for seniors stems from two basic reservations. Firstly, excursions are costly activities. In developing countries money-consuming rather than money-producing spare time activities are luxuries which society views with disapproval (Bhattacharya 1975). Excursions fall into the category of expendable leisure. Secondly, certain types of active and participative leisure may be considered less suitable for older persons in the black community. Role prescriptions for the elderly are based on popular images of the elderly as dignified and sedentary persons. Dignity curtails some forms of active leisure. In a youthful society with limited resources for recreation, the youth tend to monopolize and dominate scarce leisure facilities. The ageist behaviour of township youth effectively restricts the leisure opportunities available to older members of the urban black community. Nevertheless, there is research evidence which contradicts the idea that excursions are neither suitable nor worthwhile leisure pursuits for black South African seniors. The prospective urban retirees studied by M~ller (1984) regarded excursions for elderly parents as an expression of filial piety. In conflict with the popular image of disengagement, survey research evidence suggests that activity and social participation contribute to the subjective wellbeing of black South African seniors (M¢ller and Ferreira 1991). Over the past twenty years social gerontological studies concerning black South Africans have concentrated on problem issues (cf. bibliography compiled by Ferreira, Esterhuysen, Rip, and Setiloane 1991). The present study aims to move beyond the problem-oriented research of the apartheid era to focus on the emergent opportunities for the black elderly opening up during the reform and transition periods of the 1980s and 1990s, respectively. This approach concurs with Anderson's (1961:432) recommendation to extend inquiries from older persons' actual leisure behaviour to their potential leisure after constraints in the environment have been removed. In South Africa as in other developing contexts leisure research has been neglected in favour of issues that are considered more pertinent to social development. However rapid urbanization of the black population of South Africa has freed time and resources for leisure and the importance of meaningful recreation for all age groups in the black communities cannot be ignored. LEISURE TRAVEL FROM A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE There is limited knowledge of the leisure pattems of seniors from minority groups and non-Western countries. Examples which fill the gap focus on activity

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lists (Carp 1990; Hu 1990; Harris, Begay, and Page 1989), in spite of the current trend to research beyond the classification and quantification of activities and activity levels (Beard and Ragheb 1980; Hawes 1978). Leisure research in social gerontology is concerned mainly with the experience of leisure and its meaning for the individual (Gordon and Gaitz 1976; deGrazia 1961; Havighurst 1961; Kaplan 1961; Kelly, Steinkamp, and Kelly 1986; Kleemeier 1961; Lawton 1985; Lawton, Moss, and Fulcomer 1986/7; Weiner and Hunt 1981). Driver (1990) identifies the benefits of leisure for individuals and society as a new topic of inquiry for leisure research. Substantive evidence has accumulated in the social gerontological literature which suggests that leisure satisfaction and participation contribute to the life satisfaction of older people (Buchanon 1983; Cutler and Hendricks 1990; Guinn 1980; Mancini and Orthner 1982; Ragheb and Griffith 1982; Russell 1987; Steinkamp and Kelly 1987; Stones and Kozma 1986; Tinsley, Colbs, Teaff, and Kaufman 1987). However the literature concerns mainly seniors living in Western contexts. The link between subjective well-being and leisure satisfaction is embedded in activity theory which maintains that happiness is a by-product of human activity (Diener 1984). Activity theorists propose happiness arises from behaviour rather than achieving goals and endpoints. People's lives are happier to the extent that they are involved in interesting or absorbing activities. Hull's (1990) review of the literature indicates that leisure induced positive mood changes may have long term impact. The most explicit formulation of the connection between subjective wellbeing and activity is the theory of flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1975). Activities are seen as pleasurable when challenge is matched to individual skill levels. The pleasurable flow experience results when challenge and skills are balanced so that the activity is all-absorbing. Flow incorporates concentrated attention, enriched perception, total involvement and intensity. The peak experience is usually described as one which is accompanied by loss of time and space perceptions, momentary loss of anxiety, and intense enjoyment. The flow experience transcends the normal leisure experience. The classical application of the flow concept to leisure typically concerns activities which engage mostly younger adults. Examples are mountain climbing and chess playing which demand exceptional levels of mastery and skills. The more recent literature demonstrates that the flow concept may be equally useful in describing peak affective experiences in a range of leisure situations which demand fewer specialized skills. The looser definition of flow opens up numerous social gerontological applications. One intriguing application in the area of dally life (Mannell, Zuzanek, and Larson 1988) concerns the perceptions of elderly subjects recruited through senior clubs regarding the flow characteristics of their weekly round of activities. Lawton's (1985) model of personal competence and activity demands shows that the opportunities for exhibiting competence and thereby achieving flow may be more limited for the elderly. Restrictive attitudes regarding age-appropriate activities selectively reduce the activity demands made of the elderly. Low


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levels of activity demands, in turn, increase the risk of boredom (Lawton 1985:140). Empirical research confirms that the range of activity demands typically decreases with age (Steinkamp and Kelly 1987). Within the limited range of activities travel has been found to be one of the most satisfying leisure occupations for the elderly (Kelly and Ross 1989). Adventure travel has all the requisite ingredients for the peak experience of flow cited in the classical literature. Mass tourism, which is more widely accessible to the elderly than specialist travel, may offer similar but less rich fare. As Vester (1987) points out, mass tourism provides a taste of risk and adventure with the built-in security of the hotel's physical comforts, the tour guide, the interpreter, and - in the case of the elderly or disabled - the nurse. With the advent of mass tourism, the flow associated with recreational travel may be more accessible to seniors who may require smaller doses of challenge when travelling. In South Africa, the leisure industry has excluded black South Africans until the mid-1980s. Today, senior club excursions are part of the emergent mass tourism phenomenon which caters for the domestic black market (Kohler and Butler-Adam 1989). THE RESEARCH QUESTION Every form of leisure activity has its costs, risks and rewards (Gordon and Gaitz 1976). In the context of a developing society, excursions seem to offer little benefit to the community. From an economic valuation (Driver 1990) they are a waste of time and money; a real luxury. Nevertheless, older women who are members of luncheon clubs are eager to go on excursions and report positive experiences and benefits. Given these contrasting viewpoints, the question is whether senior outings are worthwhile occupations which deserve community support. By applying a systematic analysis of travel accounts and the risks and rewards involved for the individuals, the present study aims to uncover leisure motivations and satisfactions which might contribute to the debate. Kaplan (1961) maintains that all types of leisure contain seeds of success or failure; the outcome is much dependent on the person's past experience and motivations. The present research takes a subjective approach and views the excursionists as actors or decision makers. The analysis presented here follows the excursionists on their travels through the five phases identified by Mercer (1971), following Clawson. These five distinctive phases of travel include anticipation, travel to site, on site activities, travel from site and recollection. Each offers unique experiences and challenges, the meaning of which is the focus of interest. Reactions to travel and appreciation of sites reflect "push" factors (i.e., why people need to move out of their regular environment) as much as "pull" factors (i.e., reasons why people are attracted to sites). Travel accounts are coloured by people's social perceptions and reveal much about the excursionists' social circumstances (Hull 1990). Therefore the analysis of the travel experience sheds as much light on the quality of daily living in a township setting as on the holiday spent outside. Lastly, the risks, barriers and inhibiting

VALERIEMOLLER factors are reviewed from the viewpoint of the excursionists to determine the constraints on achieving what have been called flow-like experiences. THE TOWNSHIPS Black townships were originally developed as dormitory suburbs for guest workers and the legacy of this concept is still evident in the inadequate housing, civic, consumer and recreational facilities. External transport services for commuters to the industrial centres are better developed than the internal transport network, which restricts access to local health, educational and recreational services. The visual impression of the townships with their potholed roads, litter and uniform "match-box" houses is one of dirt, shabbiness, and squalor which contrasts strongly with the better maintained and more affluent white suburbs in South African cities. Standard township houses are small and many lack amenities such as electricity and bathing facilities. The black townships have come to symbolize poverty, racial inequality, political oppression and neglect for their residents. Township dwellers, unlike white suburbanites, seldom express pride of ownership or place (M¢ller and Schlemmer 1980). Civil unrest in the townships has contributed to the deterioration of the housing stock, and community facilities and services. The elecrification of Soweto, which commenced in the 1980s, was abandoned as a result of the civil unrest. The political unrest has also disrupted the traditional social order and undermined the authority of the community eiders. There are signs of alienation among older residents, characterized by role ambiguity and low selfesteem (Ferreira, M¢ller, Prinsloo, and Gillis, in press). In stark contrast to the drab and impoverished physical environment, social life in the black townships is rich and vibrant and continues in spite of the current climate of political tension. Shebeens (informal township bars, which usually operate from private homes) are popular neighbourhood gathering places, especially for men. Clubs are a central feature of township social life for women throughout the life course. Almost one in two black women over 60 years of age resident in urban areas are members of clubs and associations (Ferreira et al., in press). Women's participation in senior club activities represents a continuity of leisure patterns into retirement. The multipurpose luncheon clubs incorporate many of the diverse functions of women's clubs and savings clubs and mutual aid societies which are popular among middle-aged women. METHOD Data Collection

A qualitative research approach (Howe 1988) was considered to be most appropriate for eliciting the benefits of senior excursions. Club excursions are shared experiences, memories of which are ideally reviewed in a group setting. From a practical point of view it was anticipated that club members would feel


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at ease when participating in a focus group discussion with their peers. The focus group method (Knodel 1989) consists of bringing together a small number of persons from the target population, who under the guidance of a facilitator, discuss topics of importance to the study. The main purpose of the focus group approach is to yield qualitative information exposing perceptions, opinions, underlying attitudes, and behaviour pattems. The strength of the approach is derived from group dynamics. When the focus groups work properly, interactions among participants stimulate fuller discussion of the topic under study than usually occurs in individual interviews. Remarks made by one participant can lead another to pursue a particular line of thinking to reveal memories and expressions of deep seated opinions. In the present research, the application of the focus group method was not dissimilar to convening a regular senior club meeting, which according to Bauer (1985) is conducive to stimulating "trips down memory lane." It was observed during the interview sessions that the dynamics of group interaction assisted with the process of re-enacting the travel experience.

The Sample Focus group discussions were held with nine clubs operating in black residential areas in Transvaal province (Soweto, East Rand and Vaal Triangle townships) and with three clubs operating in the Durban metropolitan area in Natal province (see Figure 1). The Transvaal clubs included in the survey were chosen by a systematic random sampling procedure from a list of 42 luncheon clubs operating in the specified area. The small number of Transvaal clubs which had never participated in outings were omitted from the list. The size of clubs was taken into consideration when calculating the sampling interval. Sixteen clubs, ten in Soweto and six in other townships on the East Rand and in the Vaal Triangle, were selected by this method. Only three of the ten clubs in the drawn Soweto sample were interviewed. In the course of the three interviews it became apparent that the Soweto clubs shared their outings and reported on similar experiences. Further interviews with clubs in Soweto were abandoned because it was anticipated that they would add little additional information. The groups from Durban consisted of three luncheon clubs which operate under the same agency but in different townships. The effective sample consisted of 12 clubs: nine Transvaal (six East Rand and Vaal Triangle; three Soweto) and three Durban luncheon clubs. In all, 122 women, representing 13 senior clubs (members of a sister club attended one of the interview sessions conducted in Soweto) were interviewed in 12 group sessions. A total of 20 male club members participated in 8 of the group sessions.

Fieldwork The fieldwork in the Transvaal was conducted during the period April to November 1990. The Durban interviews took place in February 1991. The

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interview sessions were arranged through the social worker serving the clubs in the area. The interviews were usually conducted at the club's regular venue and lasted between one and two hours. The researchers, who were all women, met with approximately ten members of each club who had participated in club excursions to discuss their travel experiences. Care was taken to include rank and file members as well as club officials for each interview session. In all cases male members were vastly outnumbered by the women who dominated the discussion. A member of the research team with a social work background, who was not known to the clubs, facilitated the group sessions. The discussions were held in Zulu, and in one instance in Sotho. The interview protocol was produced by the author from a running English translation of the discussion which was recorded verbatim during the sessions. Each discussant was identified by gender in the protocol. A trial with tape recording of the discussions revealed that the protocol produced in situ yielded sufficient detail. Consequently tape recordings were abandoned.

Discussion Topics Participants were told that the research aimed to uncover the benefits of excursions for senior club members and their clubs. They were invited to share their travel experiences to assist fledgling clubs to plan their schedules of activities. The researchers promised to pass on travel tips and insights gained from the research to other senior clubs in South Africa. The topics introduced during the interview sessions followed in broad outline the five travel phases introduced earlier. Advance planning, fundraising, and decision making for the trip were discussed first. Details of individual preparation were obtained from participants in a round robin (i.e., each participant in turn making his/her contribution). A description of the trip and its highlights followed. Participants were then asked to identify any problems associated with their excursions. The final phase concerned an evaluation and recollection of past trips. Before closing, specific probes explored participants' attitudes towards excursions for seniors in view of the controversy and myths surrounding this type of leisure activity for seniors.

Data Analysis The protocols were content-analyzed according to recurrent themes. The evidence produced by means of focus group interviews is anecdotal in nature but rich in nuance. Given the qualitative nature of the data gathered by focus group methodology, subjective judgment is involved in their interpretation and analysis. Unless otherwise stated only the evidence supplied by the women in the sample is reproduced in the text.

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RESULTS The Clubs Most of the Transvaal clubs in the study had been operating since the luncheon club movement was launched in 1982. The Durban clubs had only commenced operations in 1987. The majority of the clubs met once or twice a week. One of the Durban clubs operated as a subsidized service centre which was open every day of the week. 3 The clubs conformed to the basic model described by Mzizi (1987) with individual variations. All the clubs were affiliated to their local association for the aged or a similar community organization. The clubs were run by the seniors in partnership with the community organization and the local social worker. Most of the Soweto clubs had between 50 and 100 members. The other Transvaal clubs and the Durban clubs tended to be larger with between 100 and 250 members. Smaller numbers actually attended the club meetings. The clubs used whatever venue was available as a service centre. Examples from the survey included a clinic, creche, community hall, church, rented room and an outbuilding on the property of a club member. One club operated from the old-age home in the neighbourhood and included residents among its members. The venues in communal buildings usually featured kitchen facilities which the clubs required for their lunches. The clubs appeared to attract mainly active members of the community and women. Men were welcome but club life was clearly geared to the needs and interests of women. One of the Durban clubs attributed the low male membership rate to the fact that no alcoholic beverages were served at club meetings. The men reportedly preferred to meet in shebeens. In deference to social custom the few men in the clubs did not actively participate in typically female club activities such as the preparation of club lunches, needlework and knitting, and selling of handwork or foodstuffs. The men indicated that they enjoyed the fellowship aspects of club life. The women were overrepresented in the club committees and reported extra-club activities in women's church groups. Luncheon clubs cater for retired persons or pensioners, who match the popular conception of old age in the black community. The women identified themselves as "old" in the sense that they were social pensioners, 4 grandmothers and senior citizens deserving of respect according to social custom. The majority of the respondents belonged to the cohorts of township women who were never gainfully employed in their lives, or else had occupied domestic or service jobs. A small number of women in the study indicated that they were retired professional teachers. The majority of older women residing in black townships live in three generation households with children and grandchildren and act as childminders while the middle generation goes out to work. Club membership involved a deep commitment for the women. Regular participation in club activities was an assumed obligation which had a significant hold over club members. "The club is like a church, you can't have all

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kinds of reasons for not going." The women referred to non-members as lazy scroungers who were only interested in the handouts. Initially some Transvaal clubs had offered free meals and blankets to attract club members. After these handouts were stoppped, club membership rates dropped dramatically. On the other hand luncheon club members expressed sympathy for the women whose domestic commitments and poor physical health prevented them from joining their clubs. The standard programme of club activities is "a properly cooked meal; exercises and games; religious motivation; health education talks; singing, dancing, and talking; outings; group therapy; and provision of a burial insurance" (Mzizi 1987:10). The clubs in the survey regarded handwork, lunches and exercise as their most important regular activities. The women rated the success of their club in terms of the quality and quantity of handwork produced. The impression was gained that the club members considered themselves to be physically fitter than many of their age peers and attributed their fitness to their exercise programmes. The women intimated that the "stay-at-homes" were lazy and unfit due to their own lassitude. Physical exercises frequently took the form of song and dance which are very popular in all clubs in the black community. In the absence of adequate public recreational services black communities have leamed to provide their own recreation and entertainment. The senior clubs, with the support of their welfare organizations, fit into this pattern. The clubs reported that they organized interclub events such as handwork displays, and public entertainment including fashion and beauty shows, and choir competitions. Senior women took centre stage in these events which provided entertainment for the community and raised funds for the clubs. The political unrest in the townships had restricted some club activities. One group of women reported that they had stopped selling their handwork in the community. Another group reported that its members had had to postpone a club excursion until a wave of violence had passed. Although no mention was made of this fact during the interviews, community organizations which transport club members to meetings have run the risk of having their vehicles stolen or vandalized as a result of township violence. 5 The clubs raised funds for club activities and excursions from membership fees, lunch money, the sale of handwork and special fundraising drives. In some instances proceeds from the sale of handwork were divided between individuals and the club. Members usually paid their club dues and their contributions to the club's burial scheme and club lunches after pension pay days. The better established clubs had developed a distinctive club image. Chosen names for the clubs reflected strength in unity, self-reliance, and fellowship. A similar trend has been observed among women's and youth clubs (Mthembu and M¢ller 1991). Club identity was expressed in attire. Many of the Transvaal clubs had adopted uniforms and other clubs wished to follow suit. In the absence of uniforms some clubs wore identifying brooches. Uniforms ranged from the practical pinafore dresses worn to club meetings to distinctive and smart dress uniforms for outings and interclub meetings. Some clubs also prescribed shirts

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for the men to match the women's uniforms. The clubs were very proud of their uniforms. The one club in the survey which thought it could dispense with a uniform - "our age shows who we are" - was an exception. Some of the clubs were of the opinion that uniforms were for everyday and not for special occasions. These clubs reported that on special outings the women broke ranks and dressed in their smartest clothes. Club Excursions Club outings to public sites included visits to theme parks, places of interest, nature resorts, the sea, amusement centres, and a casino resort located in one of the independent "homelands." In some cases, the end of the year party took the form of an outing to a restaurant in a nearby hotel, or to a nature resort. Visits to other clubs, annual general meetings of the societies which served the clubs, and interclub competitions were regarded as excursions by the participants. The members of clubs who were interviewed away from their club venue considered the interview session to be an outing. The clubs identified their excursions according to destinations. All groups in the survey were asked to focus on one trip for discussion. Most groups selected their favourite excursion. The most popular trips were the outings to the casino at Sun City (four interviews) and the trips to Durban (4). 6 Other favourites included a recreation centre in the Transvaal (1), the Durban City Hall (1), and two Durban resorts (2). Some discussion groups referred to several outings as not all members present had been on the trips listed above. The women made a clear distinction between day trips and the longer trips comprising several days. Both the Transvaal and the Durban clubs had gained experience of longer trips; the Transvaal clubs had travelled to Durban and the Durban clubs had taken week-long camping trips. A further distinction was made between the self-catering trips and the trips which were fully inclusive. In some instances clubs had been on repeat visits to the same sites. Familiarity with travel routines appeared to increase the confidence with which the excursionists set out to make preparations. On the other hand the respondents emphasized the need for older persons to get about and visit as many sites as possible. Clubs appeared to compare travel notes with sister clubs in the area and to choose their destinations accordingly. Some outings for Soweto and Durban seniors were announced at pension pay points. All pensioners in the area were eligible to join these excursions. Club members signed up for trips through their clubs and travelled to the destination with fellow club members. A number of tours cited by the Durban group were open to all pensioners and only required that pensioners come to pick up points at a specified time. For financial considerations smaller clubs which organized their own outings needed to fill the tour buses. These clubs invited other clubs and outsiders to join them on excursions. Non-members were usually required to pay more for the outing than regular members, which outsiders resented. As a general rule,

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however, the clubs preferred to take on their excursions only their own members who had participated in the preparation phase. The costs involved in outings for the excursionists varied considerably. In most cases club members were required to contribute only towards transport costs. Day trips cost up to 10 Rands in 1990. The trips to Durban undertaken by the Transvaal clubs appeared to have been heavily subsidized and cost up to 80 Rands for each participant in 1988. The costs were usually all inclusive. However one club reported having to pay an entrance fee to a nature resort without advance warning. This unexpected expense had caused embarrassment for excursionists who had come with insufficient pocket money. The clubs which joined regionally organized excursions for seniors reported that their outings had cost them nothing apart from pocket money. The most popular outing of this kind was the meeting of pensioners from all over Durban at the invitation of the mayor. The annual event took place at the Durban City Hall during the Honour the Aged Week in September. The Durban clubs reported that they had never contributed towards their travel fare. The preparation time for excursions was linked to fundraising. According to the survey respondents, two weeks to three months was sufficient time to prepare for a short trip; six months to a year was required for the longer trips, such as the excursions to Durban. One Transvaal club reported that they had taken two years to prepare for their trip to Durban. With few exceptions the excursionists set aside funds from their pensions to pay for their trips. Club members who could not raise the travel costs within the stipulated period of time were left behind. "If I don't have the money I don't go. With a sore heart I forego the trip," stated one male respondent and the women in the group agreed. The women regretted exclusion but remarked that it seldom occurred and was inevitable. One club operated an emergency fund to assist members who were not able to save the full amount in time. Borrowers repaid the loans in installments from their pensions. There had been no defaults. The clubs were questioned about the priority of excursions in relation to their other activities and financial resources. In response to this probe all clubs ranked their trips as high priorities before or after their handwork. It was pointed out that these two activities were not mutually exclusive and complemented each other. Some of the clubs in the survey were asked whether it would be better to spend public funds on their excursions or their service centres. It was observed that the clubs which shared their venue with other community groups were more likely to vote for funds for a service centre of their own. However one club stated that a service centre for seniors would be underutilized in its neighbourhood. "We can't afford to be there every day, so we say trips. We could get bored in a service centre."

The Travel Experience Anticipation Phase.

The degree of initiative exhibited by excursionists in


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defining destinations and making choices between the competing ones varied widely. Some clubs maintained that they themselves had come up with the idea of their trip. Others reported that their committees or their social workers made suggestions and asked their opinions. Yet other clubs were simply informed that an organized tour would take place on a specific date to which they were invited. This was the case with excursions which were open to all pensioners in the area. One club regarded participation in the initial decision making concerning destinations to be outside of its role description. All clubs seemed to turn to their social workers and organizers to make the travel arrangements: "The social worker organized everything. We were the VIPs." The main preparations for excursions in which the club members were actively involved included fundraising and making arrangements for some one else to look after members' grandchildren and the house while the family was at work. Neighbours often volunteered to look after the home and the grandchildren. In return they were given small gifts of groceries. Clubs reported that they raised money for their trips with rummage sales, concerts, and the sale of cooked food on pension pay days and clinic days. They also assisted their organizers by finding sponsors among community leaders and business people. In some instances the children of the excursionists contributed towards the costs of the trip or pocket money. Some clubs knew exactly who their sponsors were while other clubs, whose trips were regionally organized and heavily subsidized, had at most a vague notion of where their travel funds came from. "We don't know where the money comes from. All we have to do is pack our bags and stand at the library." Regardless of the degree of participation in the initial decision making and fundraising, the impression was gained that club members were satisfied with their roles. The women indicated that the final choice was theirs by signing up for a trip, paying their own contribution, or simply by coming to the designated pick up point on the day of the trip. "We choose ourselves by paying. The people who paid went." Closer to the date of departure, individual decisions were made concerning what to wear and what provisions to take on the trip. Buying new clothes, shoes and hats, washing items in one's wardrobe for the trip, and selecting the smartest and most appropriate dress for the occasion were some of the most challenging and exciting tasks in the anticipation phase of the trip. The trips to the sea often involved the purchase of bathing suits and accessories such as lingerie, nightdresses, beach towels, and luggage items. Food was a very important aspect of the trip. "Good food and a good trip go together." The women enjoyed preparing provisions for the journey. They reported that they needed to eat regularly when taking medicine or if they were diabetes cases. Excursionists preferred to come prepared so as not to trouble the organizers with their special needs. Even when assured of refreshments being available on the joumey, the women never risked travelling without a food parcel. Taking their own provisions gave excursionists a sense of independence and security when away from home.

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Travel to the Site. On the day of departure the excursionists washed and dressed with great care in order to put their best foot forward and do themselves and their families proud. Special clothes, creams and perfumes were reserved for excursions. The club members met at the appointed place, usually the club venue, to which they were accompanied by children and grandchildren who saw them off. The journey to the recreation site set the mood for the leisure experience on site. "The bus was full to the brim. The bus was free. It was so nice, we were singing and chanting church hymns in the bus. There was more singing at the City Hall." On Site. The highlights of the trip recorded in the group discussions included exposure to technical and natural wonders, new people, and luxuries such as strange and plentiful food and special treatment. The women gave vivid descriptions of memorable moments while taking train, monorail and boat rides (the latter reminded the excursionists of their bible stories), watching children tiding down waterchutes, going underground when visiting the gold mines, and visiting historic Zulu sites. Gambling held a particular fascination for the women. Animals, especially unfamiliar and exotic species, were a major attraction. The women reported that they enjoyed discovering new places and learning more about their own history. A historic Zulu monument was a favourite destination for the travelers to Durban. The women expressed interest in how other people live. One group which wished to build an old-age home in its own community visited an institution in one of the Durban townships to collect ideas. The women enjoyed exchanging views with other club members at interclub meetings and camps and comparing notes on handwork. Travelers to Durban who visited the craft markets for tourists brought back new ideas for their own club's handwork. The Durban excursionists hosted by the mayor of Durban were very impressed by the entertainment provided for them. "It's the City Hall. There is dancing, music, and we just sit and get lunch." The Return Trip. Travel from site was muted in the case of travel weary excursionists. However several travel accounts confirmed that dramatic events and excitement also occurred on the way home. A group of excursionists to Durban reported that they had had to leave the holiday resort in a great hurry to escape the storms and floods which swept through the coastal region in 1987. Another tour group which had experienced the death of one of its members on holiday returned home with a coffin under the seats of the bus. There was often much singing and merriment on the return trip in celebration of shared experiences and good fortune. This was especially the case with return trips from the casino. "With all the money we got from gambling we were happy and singing." Members of a Transvaal club who were given a big send off on their way out of the township when leaving on their trip to Durban reported that they had broken their return journey halfway. A telephone call to their families at this point assured the excursionists of an equally grand welcome on their retum,


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Recollection. Respondents reported that on arrival home they were full of their travel experiences and brimming over with tales to tell their families, neighbours and friends. Returnees were sometimes invited to report back on their travel experiences to their fellow church members. The women reported that they felt elation and a warm sense of well-being at the peak of their trip and on return. Improved health and well-being were attributed to the fresh air one enjoyed on excursions. In the case of the trips to Durban the sea was thought to have an additional beneficial effect. "You come back with fresh air in your head. We tell others ... it's a pleasure to be an old lady. We feel so good and want to go back." Hull (1990) maintains that the impact of the recreation experience endures as long as memories persist. Memories of leisure experience can alter mood. Leisure-induced mood changes can impact both behaviour and health for months and years after the actual experience. In the present study the period of recollection appeared to extend far beyond the first days at home. Several groups recalled detailed events from trips which they had taken some four years back. The memories were still fresh and vivid for the respondents. Evaluation. Towards the end of the discussion session the participants were asked to evaluate their trips in terms of benefits and problems that they had encountered during all the phases. All groups were enthusiastic about their excursions. " W e ' d go back tomorrow" was the standard reaction to this probe. One group wished a repeat trip with "the same bus and the same driver." Other groups were adamant that they wished to see as many different places as possible. Tour groups whose members felt that they had been short-changed on their trips enumerated the activities and sights that they had missed on site. One person summed up a successful trip as follows: "We enjoyed it, we went to the beach, we all came back, we had no accident." The respondents' review of their travel problems suggested three risk factors: finance, health, and ego integrity. Financial Risks. Apart from the difficulties experienced in finding the money to pay for the travel fare, excursionists made light of financial risks involved in travelling. The women stated that they had no regrets whatsoever about money spent on travel costs, gambling in the casino, and souvenirs, as long as the choice had been their own. Physical Risks. Excursionists were anxious that they might not cope with the physical strains of travelling. Typical precautions included packing provisions and prescription medicine. One male discussant reported that he packed his medicine before his clothes. Nurses and social workers usually accompanied excursionists on their trips to attend to their special needs. Assistance was accepted graciously as a sign of respect from the younger generation. Ill-health was the greatest perceived threat for excursionists. One tour group was glad of the aspirin dispensed by the accompanying nurses for headaches, while another

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group was delighted that the services o f the nurses who accompanied them to Durban were superfluous. The latter group declared that their members were too busy to be ill. By far the most traumatic experience for the women in the study was the death on the beach o f a fellow excursionist. The excitement o f seeing the sea for the first time had presumably precipitated a fatal heart attack. In spite o f the one fatal accident and minor health problems the women tended to play down the physical risks involved in excursions. The women commented that headaches were "really just part o f travelling," and even death could not be helped: "You c a n ' t stop death, it just happens." Yet the excursionists were aware that the problems which they encountered on their trips might feed prejudices concerning the value o f excursions for seniors and reflect negatively on their club's reputation. The club which returned with a corpse was still suffering from the damage to its image caused by the fatal accident many years later. "They criticize us, saying you went to Durban and you came back with a corpse."

Problems of Ego Integrity. The excursionists were concerned that their public appearance and behaviour would pass muster. The women relied heavily on their children and grandchildren for advice and assistance with travel preparations. On site the persons accompanying the seniors took over the role o f children and grandchildren to see that the excursionists were safe and presentable. "The organizers gave us their undivided attention: how we washed, that we put on nightdresses which we normally never wear." The women were also concerned about the image they projected when on excursions. Travel stories indicated that the women learnt from experience and soon b e c o m e "travel-wise." One club proudly announced that its members were complimented by the hotel staff: "They said we were a very tidy group." In contrast, two other tour groups were deflated when their members were accused o f stealing hotel linen. The excursionists later realized that hotel staff had taken the towels in order to place the blame for the theft on tourists. The clubs swore they would not be tricked in future. In another incident the bus driver left his wallet in the bus which was unlocked. The tour group had wanted the bus to be locked but had not insisted. In future the group decided that it would be firm. The club whose members had been embarrassed when they arrived at their destination without entrance fees stated that they intended in future to make certain they were fully informed of all incidental costs before leaving home. Nature and m o d e m technology on site appeared daunting initially, but the women soon learned to cope with these challenges and welcomed them. "It was frightening going underground, but once you'd gone in, the excitement was worth it." "We had a boat ride and some of us were afraid of the sea. The next day I said I'm also going in. We were like Jonas was in the ship." "It was the first time for me to go to Durban, I'm from the rural areas. They said I must not go, I would drown in the sea.... The water is like an earthmover. I enjoyed it,


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I went into the sea many times." The women's accounts of their trips dispel many of the myths about seniors being inactive and unable to cope outside of their regular environment. On the other hand excursionists also found it more difficult on their return to live up to the reputation that they had built for themselves: "Now when you make a small mistake they say, is this what the Durban trip did to you?" DISCUSSION: THE BENEFITS OF EXCURSIONS Results show that there are three dominant reasons why senior women wish to participate in excursions: Seniors need to escape periodically from everyday township life; they also look forward to adventure and novel experiences, and to the enhanced well-being associated with outings. The first motivation is a "push" factor, the others are "pull" factors. The benefits derived from trips match perfectly the three broadly defined motivations. Getting out, fresh experiences and feeling good are leisure needs which are to a certain extent fulfilled at regular club meetings. However excursions, which have rarity value, represent the peak experience of fulfillment. Conversely, the risks involved in trips concern the non-fulfillment of travel objectives and diminish the chances of achieving the flow experience. There is the risk of disappointment at each successive phase of travel. Club members may fail to save enough money to pay the travel costs. Their physical health may prevent them from going or may cause them problems on the nip. The nip may be poorly organized so that excursionists never realize their travel expectations. The attitudes of persons outside the clubs and the political climate may detract from positive experiences of well-being on site and on return.

Escapism The women thinly disguised their longing to get away from their duties as childminders and housekeepers. The regular luncheon club meetings fulfill the need for a break from the everyday routine throughout the year. The luncheon club date is the weekly leisure event to which the luncheon club members look forward; the whole day outing or the week's holiday is the prize event. The women gave vivid descriptions of how they felt shut in in their cramped township dwellings, among screaming children with little compatible adult company. One group, whose first excursion for the year had been canceled due to political unrest in the area, stated that its members had developed "itchy feet." The need for "fresh air" and the desire to breathe freely were expressed by virtually every group in the study. The women reported that even the anticipation of getting away contributed to feelings of well-being. "Old people get tired of looking after grandchildren. The club was formed to escape."

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"These houses they really bore you, you want to go out."

Contrary to popular opinion, the women also indicated that they resented the expectation that they should share their state pensions. "We don't like spending all our money on the grandchildren." One group of women pointed out that the state provided them with a pension for their own use. Vacations are a new concept for black South Africans. A former domestic servant reported that vacations in which she had participated only as an onlooker took on a new meaning for her. "I used to help prepare trips for the madam. Now you are going on a trip. Now I understand why whites like holidays." The Durban excursionists looked forward to their annual camp as a well deserved holiday. "I think since we never take a holiday - we can't afford it - our organization felt that we should spend these days together." Other research (M¢ller 1990) has revealed that the middle generation admits to making liberal use of the willing services of the older women as childminders. Senior women who take responsibility for the household's welfare suffer depressive symptoms which may be attributed to the stresses of township life (Gillis, Welman, Koch, and Joyi 1991). In contradiction to the latter finding, data from a recent nationwide survey of black South Africans over 60 years of age show that subjective well-being is linked to the feeling that heavy demands are made on oneself (Ferreira et al., in press). A tentative explanation which pulls together both these results is that seniors need to feel useful to their families but resent their services being taken for granted. Any temporary absence of the childminder serves as a reminder to the family of the degree to which they depend on granny. "You leave all your troubles behind. The relief when you open the door. You say, just keep quiet, I ' m back from a good trip." The recognition afforded to the grannies on their return is proof of their worth. Thus, excursions may serve to enhance the social esteem of granny-childminders. Black South African seniors may be the envy of their age peers in other parts of the world, in that they continue to fulfill important social roles as grandmothers and childminders right through their advanced years. However there are also disadvantages to continuous social engagement as is suggested by the findings of Gillis et al. (1991). The idea of the good life for older people in traditional society is to sit and be waited upon. Seniors expect to take up supervisory roles rather than lay on hands themselves as a sign of personal power and dignity (Mg~ller 1985). Childminding is incompatible with the "sit and eat" (Cattell 1990) concept of growing old gracefully. Adventure and Excitement

Adventure on excursions comes in many different forms. The anticipation and preparation phase of travel evokes a mood of excitement. The highlights of the trip refer almost exclusively to needs for novelty, adventure and exposure to new ideas: "Every day we were looking forward to something new."

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Change of Environment. The life-styles and luxury experienced on holiday contrast strongly with everyday township life. Western food and staying in a hotel are unique experiences for m a n y black tourists. '~'he rooms were so comfortable, not crowded, unlike at home where there's no bathroom." "It was my f'n'st experience to use a proper bath, not small dishes." "In Durban we were sleeping like in an envelope. We are not used to sleeping between sheets." "I went with my husband, so it was a honeymoon. It was our first time in a hotel. We were treated specially, were given a special table. When we got back we celebrated our 50th anniversary."

Experience of Racial Equality. A n unanticipated novelty, which has b e c o m e a routine experience for some excursionists who have made repeat trips to Sun City, is mixing with whites as equals. In a socially divided society racial mixing is an experience to report home about. " W h e n we come back we tell them we mix with whites." In some instances seniors m a y experience the softening o f racial attitudes and barriers before their children. Sun City, a casino resort in one o f South A f r i c a ' s "homelands," was exempt from apartheid admission restrictions fight from its inception. Regular hotels were opened to black mass tourism in the mid-1980s. In Durban, partial beach integration was achieved soon after the opening o f regular hotels (Meller and Schlemmer 1982; Cadman 1986; Booth and M b o n a 1988). The entertainment centres and theme parks established in the past decade cater to the general public. During the same period, the progressive Durban City Council instituted the non-racial celebrations in honour o f its senior citizens in the City Hall, a venue which had previously been out o f bounds to black citizens. Spontaneous mention was made during the group discussions o f mixing with other races on site. On excursion the women, all o f whom have lived through the forty years o f apartheid rule, suddenly realize that they have more in c o m m o n with white pensioners than anticipated. They find they are well received in places where they were previously only tolerated as service personnel. Although the w o m e n commented on economic barriers which prevented them from participating in some activities on holiday, no mention was made o f racial barriers. Only reports o f good race relations were included in the travel accounts. "The bus driver. He was white but he was good." "In that hotel there were more white pensioners so we felt comfortable. It was quiet, relaxed. We were sharing ideas with the white pensioners. We made friends." "We met white people who are also old. We took photos with them." "We got free tea and were sitting with whites. They also came from old-age homes." "Coloured, Indians, whites, blacks. We were mixed at the City Hall."

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Learning Experiences. According to Roggenbuck, Loomis, and Dagostino (1990) learning would seem to be one of the greatest justifications for societal support for leisure. In the present study the long distance travelers justified their expensive trips stating that they had brought home new skills and ideas for their clubs. The seniors enjoyed meeting new people and were eager to gain new knowledge. Excursionists cited exposure to new experiences and ideas as an educational benefit to them which they passed on to their grandchildren. Knowledge is a central value in black communities which have experienced educational deprivation during the apartheid era. On return from their trips, grannies, many of them illiterate themselves, are able to flaunt their new acquisition of technical knowledge. Senior excursionists, in contrast to the stay-at-homes, can accumulate a repertoire of novel modem experiences which are relevant to their grandchildren who have grown up in town. From this point of view excursions contribute to better communication and understanding between the generations. Participants reported that their children supported their participation in modem treats. For example, the participants in one group indicated that their children felt it was right that grannies should have their turn to experience cinema. Thus older women are encouraged to keep in tune with modem technological and media developments. Excursionists took particular delight in recalling instances where they took the lead over the middle generation in accessing new and fashionable tourist destinations. "It's good we're taken on excursions. My children were so envious that they booked to spend Christmas in Durban. They stayed in the same hotel." Keeping up to date or even taking the lead in leisure fashions contributes to the self-esteem of the elderly. They are seen to be "with it" rather than "past it."

Well-being Adventure and excitement makes a direct contribution to excursionists' perceived well-being, possibly mediated by feelings of youthfulness and selfesteem. Senior club members clamour for outings in anticipation of the happiness they will bring. "It starts in my heart, it jumps with excitement." Respondents used body language to convey the good feelings which are associated with going on a trip. The two most popular destinations selected for discussion in the interviews were ones which offer bright lights in combination with nature to match the twin needs expressed by the seniors for excitement and "fresh air" in the literal sense. Sun City's casino complex is set in a scenic park featuring a golf course and man-made lake with mountains as a backdrop. Durban offers amusement and recreational facilities just off its main beaches. The self-esteem born of the knowledge that one can cope physically and mentally with the strain of travelling to and from the site and the strange environment at the destination contributes to contentment. Knowing that one has managed to save the travel fare and has made adequate preparations gives a sense of achievement even before departure. Signs of social recognition indicate

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to the excursionists that they are coping with the challenges o f travelling and meeting their own and society's expectations. The marks o f ego integrity are subtle ones. Seniors express contentment when they are able to laugh at their naivete as travelers. Whenever their competence is challenged some individuals refer to their age or traditional status, which might be interpreted as using a "learned helplessness" (Seligman 1975) strategy to advantage. "We were using lifts in the hotel for the first time. We were lost in the hotel. It was a joke." "One morning I was so tired of this Western food, I went to ask for p a p (corn meal porridge) and milk." "We told them we were grannies and couldn't eat with fork and knife so we used our hands and spoons." A further factor contributing to subjective well-being is the special attention paid to excursionists at each phase o f the trip. Members o f the family give assistance with the preparation o f provisions, packing bags, and dressing up for the occasion, and they also see the excursionists off. The church says special prayers for the excursionists. Neighbours look after the children and the house while the excursionists are absent and later listen to their travel accounts. Community sponsorship and the children's contributions towards travel costs or pocket money are interpreted as tokens of respect for the elderly. The persons accompanying the excursionists and their hosts on site pay special attention to the elderly tourists. "We were VIPs at Sun City. It was the day only for the grannies." The special treatment afforded to senior excursionists conforms to the "veneration society's" (McCallum 1991) concept o f positive ageing. To sit back and be entertained and eat well is a c o m m o n view o f the good life among African people. Prestige gains are made from being "treated as children," that is being pampered and fussed over. Seniors expect to relax on their excursions and let the young people wait on them as a sign of respect for their age. "When we reach our destination we don't work. W e ' r e served by volunteers, children." On their return, to impress the neighbours the women made a point o f emphasizing not only their novel experiences but also the love and expert care that they had received on their trip. Feelings o f well-being also derive from congruence between expectations and achievement in life. Some participants described how their excursions had fulfilled a life long ambition and made living worthwhile for them. "When we went to Durban, I first realized what the gospel says. I saw God's wonders when I saw the sea. And then when I saw the sea I thought: At my old age I'm beginning to see things that I never thought I'd be able to come across." The secret of feeling good on excursions is to be young again. Excursionists dress and think young. They enjoy being nurtured as when they were children and growing up. The cares and the aches and pains of advanced years vanish

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miraculously. The novel experiences and the "fresh air" contribute to the illusion. "We were just like small children. We felt so young, like babies. Reminded me of the days when you were a young girl and mother gave you things to take with you." "My children say I'm making myself a young person." "We had heels this high and we had our bras. And they called us fourteen years old. Usually we don't wear bras." "We forgot about the uniform and dressed to kill to go to Sun City." "Even our knees. We didn't feel all those pains in our knees." Excursions generate feelings of well-being which are long lasting. Some women reported on health benefits which extended beyond the trip itself. Others stated that they had retumed full o f enthusiasm to start planning the next trip. "Ever since I've been to Durban, I've never been ill." "I was limping when I went to Sun City, but came back healthy as anything because I got fresh air." "We came back very fresh and we were very keen to raise funds for another trip."

Flow. The peak experience of achievement described in the leisure literature may be equated with the excursionists' experience of well-being. "Fresh air" appears to be the essence o f this well-being. It is cause and effect, push and pull force combined. The Zulu concept of air (umoya) is a multifaceted one which connotes change o f environment, entertainment and a positive mood change. There is also an air of danger about umoya; a negative interpretation refers to bad influence. Fresh air brings release from drudgery, new zest for life and a spirit of adventure. In a festive, expansive mood, the women are transformed from harassed childminders to ladies o f leisure, equals in wider society, and persons deserving of social respect. It is significant that the mood change is a shared experience. The sense of togetherness enhances and sustains the new mood. The ultimate feeling o f well-being derives from sharing the travel experience with fellow travelers. Sharing enhances and prolongs the feelings of excitement during the trip, and the exhilaration, elation and contentment experienced in the aftermath. Fellow club members and excursionists project each other's feelings o f well-being and amplify them. "We were laughing at one another when we filled the plates too full." On the return journey and at subsequent club meetings the memories linger on in the collective review. "Back at the club there's nothing that we talk about except Sun City, because when you come back you feel good." The flow experience which is characteristic of personal fulfillment in leisure is associated in the literature with the intense pleasure, momentary loss of anxiety and the perfect mastery of the situation. Similar indicators can be applied to flow experience described by the women: "I was so happy, I wished


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the day could be longer." Well-being is often expressed in song and dance. The Durban club members reported that they looked forward to the religious services at their annual camp which they likened to revival meetings. In anticipation of her emotional flow experience one Durban respondent took the precaution of packing enough handkerchiefs. "I make sure that I have plenty of tissues. At services the tears come, when you laugh tears just come down." By contrast, the township unrest prevented another group of excursionists from escaping from their problems and experiencing flow. Durban excursionists cited a wakeful night as their major travel problem during the height of the unrest. Club members were so anxious for the safety of their families and homes that they could not sleep on their weekend outing. It is claimed that adventure tours dilute the flow experience (cf. Vester 1987). Organized tours present opportunities for adventure and mastery with the builtin security of a hotel as home away from home, the tour bus and the tour guide, and the cheque book to cope with emergencies. 7 The true adventurer must rely entirely on his or her own personal resources to meet the challenges of travel. In the case of older persons - and black women in particular, who have led very sheltered lives under the paternalistic regime of apartheid - a taste of adventure is only possible with the props of mass tourism. It appears that senior excursionists acknowledge the need for assistance and appreciate it. The intergenerational sharing ethos to which they subscribe makes a virtue of the necessity of travel assistance. Souvenirs and Social Recognition. Memories and feelings of well-being are intangible benefits. Tangible gains are the souvenirs that excursionists bring home as proof that they have been there. "Beads for the grandchildren to show them gogo (Zulu for granny) was in Durban." Photographs and souvenirs contribute to the social prestige of excursionists and their families. The women in the study reported that their grandchildren willingly let them go on excursions if they promised to bring back sweets and similar treats. Neighbours asked excursionists to bring home sea water which is said to have powerful healing and cleansing properties. The woman who paid the ultimate price for her trip to the sea was in the process of collecting water when she presumably suffered a fatal heart attack. Souvenirs partly justify the expenditure on the trip. One woman noted that money spent on articles from far-off places was always a good investment. The highlights of the trips undertaken by the Durban clubs were real shopping trips, not just window shopping, and visits to crafts markets. A sharing ethos prevails in the townships. Persons who are fating better in life are expected to pass on their good fortune to others. Excursionists who return from their trip without gifts for the relatives run the risk of disapproval. Bringing home treats enhances the bearer's prestige and ensures affection. Other South African research among unemployed urban blacks (M¢ller, in press) revealed that individuals who cannot afford to bring home treats from time to time expect to receive less affection from their loved ones. The organizers of the Durban City Hall

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celebrations held during the Honour the Aged week have been sensitive to the pensioner's need to share. The celebrations include not only lunch and entertainment but also a food parcel which excursionists take home to their families. The women noted that presents often speak louder than words. "The very fact that we had food parcels, we didn't need to tell them anything. I just put everything on the table." Money commands respect in a materially depressed community. Souvenirs in cash form and freebies prove to the community that the excursion was not merely a wasteful diversion. The popularity of the Sun City destination is in part due to the vouchers and gambling money distributed to visitors. The women reported that they managed to impress friends and neighbours most if they returned with a payout from gambling or the intact twenty Rands issued to casino visitors. The excursionists who were given too little time on site to buy souvenirs or to play the one-arm bandits at Sun City casino cited these omissions as real problems for them. No trip can be considered a complete success without attracting positive recognition from the community. Respect from the community at home is the badge of achievement for the excursionist. The club outings challenge conventional views of ageing. The women need to prove that the trips bring dividends. Gifts and souvenirs, knowledge gains, and positive travel experiences were offered as evidence of the worth of excursions. The women in the study reported that the main reaction of friends and neighbours to their travel accounts was envy. Envy is an inverted expression of social recognition. Being the object of social envy enhances feelings of importance in the community and contributes to the social prestige of the excursionists and their families. "Neighbours envied us for seeing places and the twenty Rands and that the club is looking after us." "Some of them said: 'Where are you going so old?' Other people told us: 'You are behaving too big for your boots.' But when we came back and told them all about the nice things, they were dumbfounded." CONCLUSIONS The luncheon clubs were formed to promote the emancipation and well-being of the black elderly (Mzizi 1989). The question then is whether senior excursions, which are related to the emergent black mass tourism phenomenon in South Africa, play any role in empowering older women. The luncheon clubs project an image of active ageing. Excursions and other activities which prove the behavioural competence of older women and bring them into contact with the wider community as equal partners strengthen this image. With respect to their active image the luncheon clubs in South Africa may compare favourably with their counterparts in other parts of the world (Bauer 1985; Parker 1973). The study revealed that excursionists exhibit varying degrees of initiative and self-


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reliance in the planning phase of travel. However all groups participating in the discussion sessions were satisfied that they had the final say in decision making regarding travel matters. At their stage in life, the women felt that they should be spared some of the more tedious planning details which they are pleased to leave to the younger generation. Travel activities have instilled a new sense of worth in older women. Participation in excursions has led to enhanced self awareness and assertiveness among senior black women. The luncheon club members are teaching their families to be more sensitive to the needs of the older childminder. The women are learning to demand free time and occasional holidays. Exposure to new ideas and modem technology represent knowledge gains for older township women which they can transfer to the younger township generation. The thoroughly modem granny who is "with it" is more likely to be respected by the younger township generation. Turning to the question of well-being, the women in the study cited improved individual and group morale as the main benefits to be derived from club excursions. For the women, club excursions were synonymous with a collective sense of well-being which encouraged and sustained feelings of personal power. Findings are supportive of Hull's (1990) thesis that positive moods evoked during leisure pursuits are critical to maintaining health and quality of life. Zest for life, positive mood and self concept, resolution and fortitude, and congruence between expectations and achievements in life are factors which have been shown to make up life satisfaction among the elderly (Hoyt and Creech 1983). Club excursions enhance all these dimensions of well-being which induce women to experience flow. The flow experience is associated with escape from the constraints and problems of township life and the sharing of fulfilling leisure with fellow travelers. The literature suggests that flow is an individual experience which is mainly the preserve of the young. There are limited opportunities for the elderly to exhibit the personal competence which is an integral part of the flow experience. This study suggests that special efforts may be called for to produce flow inducing spheres of competence for the elderly. The excursions organized by the luncheon clubs represent one such effort. In contrast to the study of daily life among Western elderly conducted by Mannell et al. (1988), the study of township women suggests that flow is a unique leisure experience which is unlikely to be achieved in daily life. The quality of township life appears to be the antithesis of flow; the daily experience of anxieties and hardships suppresses well-being. Removal from routine township life may be a precondition for achieving flow or near flow in the South African case. On the other hand, flow does not appear to be dependent on the duration of the excursion; flow is experienced on both long and short trips. A second precondition in the township case refers to the group ethos of sharing. Travel accounts indicate the need to share flow with others in order to achieve the peak experience and to sustain feelings of well-being thereafter. The experience of travel, its excitement and exhilaration, are stored in the collective memory of the luncheon club.

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In a setting other than South Africa the finding that club outings generate well-being would not merit special mention. Social researchers have consistently found that black township dwellers compared to other South Africans report lower levels of subjective well-being in almost all aspects of their lives. By South African standards the well-being expressed by the older women in this study is remarkable. Breathing "fresh air" is how the women express their liberating experience. It is probably not insignificant that the most popular destinations take the women out of the townships and expose them to the new emergent social order of equality in South Africa. The flow experience of the women represents one step further than turning one's back on township existence for a day or a week. It means rising above the limitations of poverty, racial discrimination and impotence which the black townships stand for. The mood change is tangible. "Fresh air" releases new energies, vigour and bold assertiveness uncommon in most older township women. On their outings the women are "free to be themselves" (Kelly 1987) rather than what township society dictates. The result is pure happiness. A final question is whether the senior generations' new appetite for "fresh air" will upset the existing delicate balance of mutual assistance between the generations. It may be true that the older women's experience of flow is tempered by mature age and gender. In line with the group ethos of sharing, their flow experience spills over into the wider community. The positive mood associated with excursions is the summation of positive social interactions, good race relations, and generous social support from family and friends, which is reciprocated. The intense joy and feelings of personal power generated by the club excursions are infused by a spirit of magnanimity which is uncommon among some groups of township youth. The flow experience of the older women is free of the aggressive and competitive overtones which are the mark of mastery among the youth. 8 Even the titillating social dangers associated with senior travel are by and large benign. Being the object of social envy is an inverted expression of respect and carries no real threat to the individual excursionists and their families. In conclusion, excursions are rare social events, which hardly interfere with the regular order of stable family and community life. On the contrary, results suggest that senior excursions contribute to greater understanding and respect between the generations and a culture of tolerance in the townships. The successful excursion is a family and community affair. The women require the support and encouragement of their families and friends if they are to make a success of their trips. Success, in turn bring social benefits and prestige to the family and network of friends. Excursions dispel the myth of the passive older woman, but they also allow for the expression of traditional values concerning dignified ageing. Outings are special occasions which afford unique opportunities for the younger generation to demonstrate to the older person the love and consideration which both generations feel is due. For the average older township woman the trip of a lifetime gives real meaning to an otherwise unremarkable existence.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Financial assistance rendered by the H u m a n Sciences Research Council through the Main Committee of the Co-operative Research Programme on Ageing for undertaking the research is hereby acknowledged. The author wishes to thank the luncheon clubs who participated in the group sessions; and co-researcher, Lucy Nkosi, and other community workers attached to the Transvaal Regional Office of the South African Council for the Aged and the Muthande Society for the Aged, for their contributions to the study. NOTES * An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 90th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Chicago, November 20-24, 1991 and the 34st annual meeting of the African Studies Association, St. Louis, Missouri, November 23-26, 1991. i Approximately 3% of black South Africans are 65 years and older compared to 7% of whites. However, the black elderly account for about 60% of all South Africans over 65 years of age, who number 1.5 million. According to 1985 census figures some 40% of the black elderly were resident in urban areas compared to 90% of the white elderly. However black urbanization is increasing rapidly since the removal of influx control legislation in 1986. Women account for about two thirds of the urban black population according to a recent survey estimate (Ferreira et al.,in press). (Population estimates based on Ferreira [1989] and 1985 census.) 2 The term excursions is used interchangeably with outings, trips, and travel to avoid repetition in the text. 3 Personal communication, D. Hlube, 30 September 1991. 4 In South Africa woman over 60 years and men over 65 years of age are eligible for a non-contributory state pension which is means tested. In the black community social pensions are considered a right and not a privilege. Pensions are paid out monthly in urban areas. Although the state is committed to achieving parity in pension payments in the near future, blacks are still paid lower pensions than their white, Indian and coloured (mixed race) counterparts. In 1990 the state old age pension for black pensioners was 175 Rands per month compared to 276 Rands for white pensioners. In 1991 the amounts paid to black and white pensioners had increased to 225 Rands and 304 Rands, respectively. Social pensions make substantial contributions to the incomes of the poorer black urban households. In March 1991 the household subsistence level for an urban black family with six members was 694 Rands. 5 Personal communication, B. Zulu, 27 April 1990. 6 The approximate distance from Johannesburg to Sun City is 167 kin., from Johannesburg to Durban 600 km. 7 The coffin used to transport the ill-fated excursionist was purchased with a cheque. A committee member with signing powers accompanied the tour group. 8 A comparison between the older excursionists' expression of shared competence and well-being in song and dance and the toyi-toyi dance of the township youth may be instructive. The toyi-toyi, which is a show of collective strength of township youth, epitomizes the culture of violence in the townships in the late 1980s and 1990s. The toyitoil dancers shuffle and chant to demonstrate their power and unity of purpose. While the positive mood is contained, the dance expresses extreme exuberance and trance-like happiness, which may be akin to the flow described in the literature. However, when the mood changes, the dance carries powerful threatening and destructive overtones. The toyi-toyi is widely known to be a prelude and forewarning of youth strike action and

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