615409 research-article2015
HPQ0010.1177/1359105315615409Journal of Health PsychologyTatangelo and Ricciardelli
Article Journal of Health Psychology 1–12 © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1359105315615409 hpq.sagepub.com
Children’s body image and social comparisons with peers and the media Gemma L Tatangelo1 and Lina A Ricciardelli2
Abstract Social comparisons are related to the development of body dissatisfaction among adolescents and adults, yet this relationship remains relatively unexamined among children. This study examines children’s peer and media-related social comparisons, and how this impacts on their body image. Children aged 8–10 years completed interviews (17 girls and 19 boys in individual interviews, and 16 girls and 16 boys in focus groups). Analyses revealed that appearance-related comparisons were more common among girls, whereas sports/ ability-related comparisons were more common for boys. In addition, boys viewed media comparisons as inspiring, whereas girls reported negative emotions. Implications for future research and prevention programmes are discussed.
Keywords body image, children, media influences, peer influences, social comparisons
Children as young as 6- and 7-year old demonstrate body dissatisfaction including a desire to become thinner, and/or more muscular (Anschutz et al., 2009; Dohnt and Tiggemann, 2006; Duchin et al., 2014). Social comparisons have been found to be an important factor in the development and maintenance of body dissatisfaction among adults and adolescents (Myers and Crowther, 2009); however, in relation to children’s body image, social comparisons remain relatively unexamined. Social comparisons are critical to children’s development as they are the means by which children learn social information (Dijkstra et al., 2008). They also have important implications for children’s mental health including positive affect and selfesteem (Holt and Ricciardelli, 2002). Therefore, an examination of the ways in which children utilise social comparisons and how this may be related to their body image development is warranted.
Social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954) proposes that individuals process social information and evaluate themselves by making comparisons with others. In this way, social comparisons are a fundamental aspect of children’s social and emotional development (Chafel, 1986). Throughout childhood, the ability for social comparison develops as children learn about their own abilities, differences, strengths and weaknesses (Chafel, 1986). In later childhood after the age of 7 years, social comparisons become more evaluative and frequently used (Dijkstra et al., 2008). At this time, 1Australian 2Deakin
Catholic University, Australia University, Australia
Corresponding author: Gemma L Tatangelo, Institute of Health and Ageing, Australian Catholic University, Level 6, 215 Spring Street, Melbourne, VIC 3000 Australia. Email: [email protected]
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children also demonstrate a decline in positive self-concepts and an increase in body dissatisfaction (Ricciardelli and McCabe, 2001; Wigfield et al., 2015). However, few studies have examined this relationship between children’s social comparison use and their body dissatisfaction. One study conducted by Holt and Ricciardelli (2002) found that 30 per cent of boys and girls aged 8–10 years engaged in social comparisons in regard to aspects of their body including their weight and muscles. These comparisons were related to problem eating attitudes, muscle concerns and lower selfesteem. The researchers also found that girls engaged in more weight-related comparisons and boys engaged in more muscle-related comparisons. A limitation of previous research is that little is known about who the targets of children’s social comparisons are, and what effect this may have on their body image. Research has demonstrated that students prefer to compare themselves to peers of the same gender and age (e.g. Dumas et al., 2005). Therefore, the school context is important as it fosters observation and comparison among classmates (Mueller et al., 2010). In addition, media celebrities are likely to be important targets for social comparison as children are becoming increasingly exposed to idealised bodies in the media. Comparisons with celebrities, who epitomise the appearance ideals, have been shown to predict body dissatisfaction in men, women, adolescent girls and preadolescent girls (Carey et al., 2014; Dohnt and Tiggemann, 2006; Hargreaves and Tiggemann, 2009; Shroff and Thompson, 2006; Tiggemann and Polivy, 2010). This finding has also been observed among early adolescent boys. Smolak and Stein (2010) found that boys’ (mean age: 12.9 years) social comparisons predicted media investment in the muscular ideal which was in turn correlated with muscle building attitudes and behaviours. However, among girls under the age of 12 years, media-related social comparisons have been rarely examined, and they have not been examined at all among boys under the age of 12 years.
A further limitation of previous research is that there has been an exclusive focus on appearance-related social comparisons in regard to body dissatisfaction. However, the construct of body image also includes a functional aspect whereby the perception of one’s physical abilities influences body satisfaction (Abbott and Barber, 2010). In particular, preadolescent boys place a greater emphasis on the functionality of their bodies in relation to their body image (Olive et al., 2012; Schur et al., 2000). Evaluation of sporting abilities is achieved via sports/ ability-related social comparisons; therefore, the way in which these comparisons may be related to boys’ body image is an important research question. The aim of this study was to extend our current understanding of children’s use of social comparisons and how this relates to their body image. More specifically, this study examined children’s understanding and awareness of their use of social comparisons and the ways that children compare themselves to their peers and the media. In addition, two domains of social comparison were considered; appearance-related and sports/ability-related social comparisons. It was expected that there would be gender differences in children’s use of social comparisons. That is, boys’ social comparisons would focus on body function and girls’ would focus on body appearance and weight. This study was part of a larger study which examined body image and media and peer influences more generally (Tatangelo and Ricciardelli, 2013). More specifically, children’s use of social comparisons was examined within the context of body ideals, body dissatisfaction, media preferences and peer relationships. In order to more fully take into account the experiences of children, a qualitative approach using semi-structured interviews was selected for the study. This approach ensures that children’s answers could be probed in more depth than would be possible in a structured survey. Individual and focus group interviews were used, as the two methods provide different kinds of information (Stewart and Cash, 2003). Individual interviews provide a way of probing
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli answers in more depth (Ricciardelli et al., 2006). Focus groups generate more naturalistic discussion (Grogan and Richards, 2002).
Method Participants In all, 68 primary school children aged 8–10 years participated in the study. The schools represented a diverse range of demographic areas and socio-economic backgrounds. Girls had a mean age of 9.4 years (SD = 0.72), boys had a mean age of 9.2 years (SD = 0.74). In all, 32 children participated in focus groups (16 girls and 16 boys) and 36 participated in individual interviews (17 girls and 19 boys). Children were recruited from four schools in Melbourne, Australia. Two of the schools were state public primary schools, and two were private Catholic schools.
Design and data analysis Approval to conduct the study was obtained from the University Ethics committee, the Victorian Department of Education and Early Childhood Development and the Catholic Education Department. Approval from school principals and subsequently parents was sought. Only children who had parental consent were invited to participate. Children were informed that the questions included topics such as, appearance, exercise, friends, famous people and sports. Children were also told that their interviews would be audiotaped and that did not have to participate if they did not wish to. All children agreed to participate and were randomly allocated to an individual or focus group interview. There was no incentive for participation for the schools or participants. Interviews were conducted by the first author, a 25-year-old woman who was a PhD student, who had previous experience working with children. The focus groups were comprised of four, same-gender children. Each group interview took approximately 45 minutes, and individual interviews took 15 minutes. The
interview schedule was developed by the researchers who had previous experience in constructing and conducting interviews with children. Question development was based upon a review of existing children’s body image literature. The semi-structured interview schedule was used to guide the discussion, and probing questions were added where appropriate. Every interview was audiotaped and transcribed verbatim. Pseudonyms were assigned to protect participants’ anonymity. Social comparison questions included comparison with peers, media figures, sports comparisons and appearance comparisons. Questions that required children to comment on their own tendency for comparisons were only asked in the individual interviews. For example, the following was one of the questions: ‘Do you ever compare how you look to the way that other children look?’ Such questions were not asked in focus groups as they were considered to be too personal for children to discuss among their peers. Questions used in both the individual and focus group interviews were designed to tap into children’s understanding of social comparisons, for example, ‘If a girl/boy was looking at pictures of (insert name of child’s favourite celebrity), how do you think that might make a girl/boy feel about the way that they look, compared to the way that (celebrity) looks?’
Data analysis The transcripts were analysed and synthesised systematically using a thematic content analysis approach (Braun and Clarke, 2006). This approach allowed for the in-depth examination of children’s experiences of social comparisons via questions relating to the research aims. To ensure consistency, each transcript was reviewed several times using line-by-line coding. During this process, the reviewers coded each of the transcripts by examining the discourse line by line while making notes and memos in preparation for final themes. Initial codes and ideas were gradually defined into tentative themes and categories. To ensure consistency, each transcript was coded several
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times and the researchers met frequently to discuss interpretation of children’s answers until coding and final categories were agreed upon. An additional female graduate research assistant, who was experienced in the area of qualitative data analysis with children, independently coded six interviews. A good level of inter-rater agreement between the researchers and the research assistant was found (83.8%).
Results
13 boys (68%) in the individual interviews indicated that they did not, as illustrated by the following example: Annette (II): Not really, I really try not to compare myself with smartness and good-looking-ness. I care more about my school work than what I look like. Terry (II): No, other boys see me as a leader.
The findings are divided into four sections. These include ‘comprehension and awareness of social comparisons with peers’, ‘social comparisons with peers: appearance versus physical abilities’, ‘children’s social comparisons with media celebrities’ and ‘outcomes of comparisons with media celebrities’. Quotes from participants who were individually interviewed are represented as ‘II’ and quotes from participants who were in focus group interview are represented as ‘FG’.
However, five girls and three boys went on to make spontaneous appearance-related comparisons to their peers at other times during their interviews. For example,
Comprehension and awareness of social comparisons with peers
Social comparisons with peers: appearance versus physical abilities
Five girls (29%) and six boys (32%) in the individual interviews had difficulty understanding the concept of ‘comparisons’. They either asked for the comparison questions to be clarified or repeated, or they misunderstood the questions entirely. For example,
Throughout the focus group and individual interviews, girls made more appearance-related social comparisons with their peers than boys did. In all, 15 girls (45%) across the individual and the focus group interviews compared themselves to their peers in regard to aspects of their appearance including their weight, body shape, clothing, hair and prettiness. However, girls in the individual interviews often gave nonspecific and brief answers compared to girls in the focus groups. For example,
Interviewer: Do you ever compare the way you look to the way other children look? Nadia (II): Yes when someone has a nice top I tell them that’s a really pretty top. It was also clear that children were not always aware of using social comparisons as they often denied comparing themselves with their peers, yet made such comparisons spontaneously during the interview. For example, when asked if they ever compared their appearance to other children, 11 girls (65%) and
Megan (II): No I don’t. [Compare her appearance] Interviewer: Is there anyone who you would like to look a bit like? Megan (II): I think Grace is really pretty … she is tall.
Interviewer: Do you ever think about the way you look in comparison to the way other girls look? Laura (II): Sometimes Interviewer: When do you think about that? Laura (II): I don’t know, just sometimes. Interviewer: Do you think about anyone in particular in comparison to you?
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli Laura (II): I don’t really think about anyone who I am not friends with. The focus groups more fully highlighted the different ways these social comparisons were used as direct examples of girls comparing themselves were observed:
much more thin or fitter or healthier, and they think ‘I want to be like that person because they are healthy and popular’. So they go on a diet and then in the end it might get them more friends and they won’t be as lonely and as uncomfortable as being themselves.
Kim (FG): I want to look like Mia and Mia wants to look like me. She thinks that I’m pretty but I don’t think I’m pretty, I think she’s pretty. She doesn’t think she is pretty.
Only six boys (17%) across the individual and focus group interviews made appearancerelated social comparisons with their peers. For example,
Girls were also often self-critical in their comparisons with their peers, while highlighting what they liked about their peers. The following are two examples:
David (II): From other people I look good. To some other kids, I’m better than them; and some other kids are better than me.
Amy (FG): I want to look like (her friend). I actually don’t like the way I look, I think I look very ugly. Jade (FG): I have always wanted (her friend’s) long hair, but my hair is all fuzzy.
Boys did not discuss why other boys may compare themselves. Boys typically stated that they did not know or gave short, nondescriptive answers.
In addition, girls in the focus groups discussed appearance-related comparisons at length and could give detailed reasons why another girl might compare her appearance with others. The following statements were made by girls about why a girl might want to lose weight: Kate (FG): It might have been something someone said, but might be if they just looked at someone and thought ‘they look really skinny and pretty’ and they think they’re fat or plump-ish and then they might want to be more like them so they go on a diet to look more pretty and be included. I think people go on diets Amy (FG): because they compare themselves to others who are
Interviewer: Why might a boy compare the way he looks to the way his friends look? Ryan (FG): I don’t know Noah (FG): I don’t know either: well may be if the other boy was hot. The most frequent type of comparison made by boys was in regard to functional aspects of their body relating to sports and how these could be improved. Overall, 21 boys (60%) made sports/abilities comparisons in relation to their peers across the individual and focus group interviews. These comparisons focused on being the best in terms of ability, strength, exercise, speed, endurance and time spent training. For example, Brett (FG): I’m probably one of the best at footy, not the very best but my best sports are footy and cricket.
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Journal of Health Psychology Andrew (FG): I’m probably the best batsman on our team, but out of everyone I’m probably first or second. Tony (II): I am super-fast, but Dan is the fastest and Jim, Dan and Tim are the fastest guys in my class.
In the focus groups, boys discussed their sporting skills by highlighting and comparing their strengths: Mark (FG): I’ve never come less than fifth in the cross country and in the national cross country, out of 700 people, I came tenth this year. Jason (FG): (In response to Mark), You came 20th, I got 12th and you got 20th; I beat you, I flogged you!1 Four boys (11%) indicated that they felt negative when they compared themselves to their peers who were perceived to be better at sports. For example, Jared (II): Yes sometimes (I compare), mostly with other people who are good. Interviewer: How does that make you feel? Jared (II): A bit jealous because they are better than me. Girls in the individual interviews generally stated that they did not compare their sporting abilities with other children. However, eight girls (24%) did in fact compare their sporting abilities to their peers and generally commented that they were about average compared to their peers. For example, Samantha (II): I think some children do it (sport) a bit better, but I think I’m still a bit good because when we did our
cross country I came tenth, so I think I’m ok with sport but other people are still better.2
Children’s social comparisons with media celebrities Boys’ favourite and most talked about celebrities were sportsmen. These men and their skills were frequently discussed in all four of the boys’ focus groups. However, comparisons with these men were made less frequently than comparisons with peers. In total, only three boys in the focus groups compared themselves to their favourite celebrities. In addition, only two boys (6%) in the individual interviews compared themselves with media celebrities. For example, Interviewer: Is there anyone you would like to look a bit like when you’re older? Tony (II): Heath Shaw from Collingwood3 … He is well built and good looking. Of the boys who did compare themselves to their favourite sportsmen, four of these were made in regard to physical abilities, sportsmanship or their vocation. For example, Interviewer: Do you have any favourite famous people? Jake (II): Any Carlton4 player Interviewer: Do you ever try and copy people like that – like footballers? Jake (II): I think so and three of my best friends certainly do, they follow football like me … We like playing markers up where we kick the ball and try to mark it like them. Interviewer: How would you like to look when you’re a bit older? Jake (II): I want to be wearing a Carlton jumper with a ball in my hands.
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli Girls’ favourite celebrities were most often singers and actresses, whom they often described in terms of having an attractive or desirable appearance as well as being talented. However, among the girls, the targets for spontaneous comparisons were more often peers than media celebrities. In the individual interviews, only three girls (18%) compared themselves with media celebrities. In the focus groups, only six of the girls (37%) also made spontaneous appearance-related comparisons with female celebrities. For instance, Carla (FG): Well I think my hair is super ugly and my teeth are too big … I’d like to look like Pink because she has radical pink hair.5 Molly (FG): Like the grown-up Hermione from Harry Potter, I think I’d be happy with myself then, she doesn’t have any freckles and I have freckles and my sister teases me. Girls in the focus groups clearly demonstrated a familiarity with media comparisons and what the outcome of such a comparison might be for another girl. For example, Kim (FG): When you get older and you read more magazines where you see celebrities who are like that thin and you start feeling jealous and you think, I want to be that thin and then you go on diets and you don’t eat anything. However, most girls in the individual interviews (11 girls or 65%) stated that they did not compare their own looks with the looks of female celebrities. During focus group discussions, some girls elaborated on this and indicated that celebrities were unrealistic targets for comparison. For example, in one focus group, girls discussed the inappropriateness of trying to copy their favourite celebrities:
Emily (FG): Sometimes I think it’s easier to copy friends. Stephanie (FG): Because celebrities have designers. Jade (FG): I’ve seen celebrities without make up and they have spots and stuff on their face. Bridget (FG): Yeah you look at them without make-up and it’s yuk.
Outcomes of comparisons with media celebrities Differences were observed in the nature and outcomes of media comparisons between girls and boys when they were asked to comment ‘hypothetically’ on how a girl/boy may feel if they were to compare themselves with their favourite media celebrities. In all, 18 girls (55%) suggested that if another girl was to compare her appearance to her favourite celebrity, the outcome would be negative, including feelings of sadness, jealousy, unhappiness and/or wanting to change their appearance. For example, three girls from individual interviews explained, Hannah (II): Sometimes jealous if they want to look like that but if they knew that person happy for them that they looked like that. Nadia (II): Well it might make them want to look more like (the celebrity) and change the way they (the other girl) look. Lucy (II): Well, I would feel a bit jealous (when comparing herself to Miley Cyrus) because I really want to look like her. This tendency for girls to perceive negative outcomes associated with appearance-related comparisons with celebrities was more fully illustrated with the following discussion between girls in one focus group:
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Journal of Health Psychology Nicole (FG): I reckon Sarah (Nicole’s peer) would be jealous because she is, no offense to her, not as good looking, and I reckon she would see them (female celebrities) and go ‘aw how come I’m not as good looking as that’. Sandra (FG): Fat people would go, ‘how come I can’t be that skinny?’
In contrast to the negative reactions expressed by the girls, just over half of the boys (19 boys or 54%) thought that looking at pictures of their favourite celebrities (who were typically sportsmen) would result in positive or neutral feelings. For example, Tom (FG): It makes them feel like it is possible to look like them and be as good as them. Adam (FG): It would make you feel good because you could be slowly looking like the person, just say it’s the person you want to look like, well you’re starting to look like them. It was also evident that the boys generally focused on the skill of the celebrity rather than appearance as their point of comparison. For example, one boy stated, It makes you feel good Joel (FG): because you think you can achieve that and I could be like that person, like you could be number 36 for Collingwood, you could be 16 for Melbourne Victory.6 Another boy explained why he thought that boys feel inspired when seeing famous sportsmen: Aaron (II): They want to be like them, they want to grow up to be a footballer, that’s what their
dreams are, because they are good at it. I’m good at basketball, so I want to grow up to be a basket baller. So I think that will be me in 20 years’ time. Only three boys (9%) reported any negative feelings associated with media comparisons. For example, one boy said that looking at pictures of his favourite footballers might lead to negative feelings: Sad … embarrassed … David (II): Because they (footballers) might have muscles and be more fitter.
Discussion This study examined children’s social comparison use and how this may relate to their body image. This included an examination of children’s understanding and awareness of the way they compare themselves to their peers and the media. The interviews demonstrated that not all children understood the concept and that some children were not aware that they are making these comparisons. This confusion was generally resolved when the concept was explained in more detail and when examples were given. Apart from comprehension issues, children may also be reluctant to admit they compare themselves to others, particularly in regard to their appearance as this may be seen to be socially undesirable. Despite this, children demonstrated frequent use of social comparisons on a range of domains including appearance and physical abilities. Overall, the findings suggest that peers were more prominent targets for comparison than were media figures. This is unsurprising as more information is available from peers due to familiarity. Peers were also likely to be an important reference for social comparison given the need to be accepted by one’s peers (Dijkstra et al., 2008; Krayer et al., 2008). As expected, gender differences were identified in the types of comparisons made. For
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli girls, appearance-related social comparisons were the most common type of comparison and this is consistent with previous research which has demonstrated that girls often engage in appearance-related comparisons and conversations with their peers (Blowers et al., 2003). Peer conversations among girls in this study demonstrated a much greater focus on appearance than boys’ peer conversations. Girls were often self-critical in their appearance comparisons with their peers, while highlighting what they liked about their peers. This finding reflects previous findings which have identified a ‘peer appearance culture’ among girls (Jones, 2004; Krayer et al., 2008). The current findings indicate that young girls are engaging in comparisons about their own bodies among their peers. This is detrimental as it places a focus on, and reinforces the importance of appearance within girls’ friendship groups (Jones, 2004; Krayer et al., 2008) and may also exacerbate the impact of appearance-related social comparisons. For example, ‘fat talk’ involves critical discussion with peers about one’s own appearance and this is associated with body dissatisfaction among women and adolescents (Sharpe et al., 2013). Furthermore, recent research has shown that a lack of self-compassion, or being highly selfcritical, may exacerbate the impact of social comparisons on wellbeing (Duarte et al., 2015). Boys demonstrated less frequent use of appearance-related social comparisons and more frequent use of sports/abilities-related social comparisons. For boys, sport and physical abilities were an important aspect of conversations regarding media and peer influences and body image. Previous research with men and boys has also demonstrated that when discussing body image, boys prefer to discuss these topics in reference to the functional components of their bodies (Grogan and Richards, 2002; Krayer et al., 2008). Ricciardelli et al. (2006) also found that among adolescent boys, the aspects of their bodies they liked the most and those which they most wanted to improve on were those which were synonymous with being successful at sport, such as size, speed, strength and fitness (Ricciardelli et al., 2006).
Sporting performance has also been shown to be a motive for preadolescent boys who want to change their body (Birbeck and Drummond, 2006; Schur et al., 2000). Whether abilityrelated social comparisons with peers play a role in boys’ use of body change strategies, is an important question for further research. This may be a precursor to muscle building conversations, body dissatisfaction and the use of harmful body change strategies as found among adolescent boys (Jones and Crawford, 2005). The gendered trends in children’s social comparison usage reflect gender ideologies which are present within Western societies. For example, young girls are socialised to perceive that they will be evaluated on their physical appearance, while boys are socialised to perceive that they will be evaluated on their physical abilities including strength and athleticism (e.g. Smolak and Stein, 2006; Tiggemann and Slater, 2014). Furthermore, research shows that during childhood, gender ideals are more ridged and inflexible than in adolescence and children seek to actively pursue gender-congruent behaviours (McAnnich et al., 1996; Martin et al., 2002). Therefore, this will be an important topic to examine in future research as rigid gender ideals may be a source of peer pressure as well as personal expectations among children. The majority of girls thought that looking at pictures of female celebrities might cause negative emotions such as feeling sad or jealous or wanting to change their appearance. This finding is consistent with previous studies with early adolescent girls which have found that media comparisons are associated with increased body dissatisfaction (Carey et al., 2014). Only three boys suggested media comparisons may cause negative emotions, whereas half of the boys suggested that it would result in feeling good, inspired or neutral. A lack of studies examining this area among boys makes it difficult to draw on previous research in order to interpret these findings. However, researchers have found a lesser effect of media exposure on body image for boys than girls (e.g. Hargreaves and Tiggemann, 2004). Thus, if boys respond to social comparisons with media celebrities
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positively, this may explain why they appear to be less susceptible to the negative impact of media images. The current findings indicated that boys may have felt positive about media comparisons because they identified with their favourite celebrities and wanted to emulate them. Buunk et al. (1990) argued that the effect of social comparisons depends on how the individual identifies with the comparison target. For instance, when children compare themselves to a betterperforming other, and the child contrast themselves, they may experience negative affect and feel inferior, but when they identify with a better-performing other, they may feel inspired to perform better (Dijkstra et al., 2008). In addition, research has also shown that individuals may show resilience to social comparisons when they believe the other person is not a relevant target for comparison (Ogden and Russell, 2012). Although no previous study has examined this among preadolescent boys, Anschutz et al. (2012) found that 6- to 8-year-old girls showed higher body satisfaction after exposure to the thin ideal characters. The authors suggest that young girls who internalised the thin ideal were inspired by thin media characters. None of the girls in this study described being inspired by media celebrities, however they were 2 years older, and this age difference may account for the different findings. The findings demonstrated that the focus group interviews provided a richer context for examining children’s social comparisons than the individual interviews. The individual interviews provided limited information because children were generally less descriptive in their responses. On the other hand, children in the focus group disclosed more information and the natural conversation and interaction between the children enabled direct examination of how children used social comparisons among their peers. Limitations of the qualitative approach need to be noted. Given the gendered nature of body ideals, boys may be reluctant to discuss their appearance and may have opted to discuss the more socially accepted topic of sports, fitness
and exercise. Children may have been influenced by their peers in the group, especially as the children were known to each other. Additionally, the interviews were conducted by a female. It is unknown how this may have influenced boys’ disclosure in the interviews. However, Grogan and Richards (2002) found that boys felt less threatened when their focus groups were facilitated by a woman. All interviews were also coded by women; therefore, the final themes were interpreted in line with females’ perspectives of boys’ experiences. Another limitation was that demographic and socio-economic details for the families of participants were not collected. In addition, children’s height and weight were not recorded; therefore, body mass index (BMI) could not be calculated. Previous research has shown that BMI is associated with children’s body image (e.g. Ricciardelli et al., 2003) and as such, this will be an important consideration in future research. The qualitative design utilised in this study has provided a detailed and in-depth understanding of the ways in which children use social comparisons and has identified several avenues for further research. First, questions which require children to directly comment on whether or not they compare themselves to other children on their appearance should be used with caution, as it is a concept which is difficult for some children at this age to grasp. A notable gender difference observed was in regard to media comparisons and the outcomes of these comparisons. Girls thought that media comparisons might result in negative emotions such as feeling sad or jealous, whereas boys indicated more positive emotions. Longitudinal research that examines the developmental trajectory of boys’ and girls’ use of social comparisons and the associated outcomes is needed to understand how social comparisons are used from childhood to early adolescence. Specifically, studies are needed to examine whether children’s tendency to make ability-related or appearancerelated social comparisons play a role in their use of body change strategies. Studies are also needed to examine whether boys’ general tendency for inspiring-evoking comparisons are
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli maintained into adolescence, and if so, whether this is a protective factor which could be encouraged in boys and also in girls in future prevention programmes. Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Notes 1. Some identifiable information has been removed and replaced within this quotation. 2. Some identifiable information has been removed and replaced within this quotation. 3. Collingwood is a team in the Australian Football League. 4. Carlton is a team in the Australian Football League. 5. ‘Pink’ is an American singer-songwriter. 6. Melbourne Victory is a professional soccer club based in Melbourne.
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Braun V and Clarke V (2006) Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology 3: 77–101. Buunk BP, Collins RL, Taylor SE, et al. (1990) The affective consequences of social comparison: Either direction has its ups and downs. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 59: 1238–1249. Carey RN, Donaghue N and Broderick P (2014) Body image concern among Australian adolescent girls: The role of body comparisons with models and peers. Body Image 11(1): 81–84. Chafel JA (1986) Social comparisons by young children: A structural analysis. Early Childhood Research Quarterly 1: 155–165. Dijkstra P, Kuyper H, van der Werf G, et al. (2008) Social comparison in the classroom: A review. Review of Educational Research 78: 828–879. Dohnt HK and Tiggemann M (2006) Body image concerns in young girls: The role of peers and media prior to adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence 35: 135–145. Duarte C, Ferreira C, Trindade IA, et al. (2015) Body image and college women’s quality of life: The importance of being self-compassionate. Journal of Health Psychology 20: 754–764. Duchin O, Marin C, Mora-Plazas M, et al. (2014) A prospective study of body image dissatisfaction and BMI change in school-age children. Public Health Nutrition 18: 322–328. Dumas F, Huguet P, Monteil JM, et al. (2005) Social comparison in the classroom: Is there a tendency to compare upward in elementary school? Current Research in Social Psychology 10: 166–186. Festinger L (1954) A theory of social comparison processes. Human Relations 7: 117–140. Grogan S and Richards H (2002) Body image: Focus groups with boys and men. Men and Masculinities 4: 219–232. Hargreaves D and Tiggemann M (2004) Idealized media images and adolescent body image: “Comparing” boys and girls. Body Image 1: 351–361. Hargreaves DA and Tiggemann M (2009) Muscular ideal media images and men’s body image: Social comparison processing and individual vulnerability. Psychology of Men and Masculinity 10: 109–119. Holt KE and Ricciardelli LA (2002) Social comparisons and negative affect as indicators of problem eating and muscle preoccupation among
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children. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 23: 285–304. Jones DC (2004) Body image among adolescent girls and boys: A longitudinal study. Developmental Psychology 40: 823–835. Jones DC and Crawford JK (2005) Adolescent boys and body image: Weight and muscularity concerns as dual pathways to body dissatisfaction. Journal of Youth and Adolescence 34: 629–636. Krayer A, Ingledew DK and Iphofen R (2008) Social comparison and body image in adolescence: A grounded theory approach. Health Education Research 23: 892–903. Martin CL, Ruble DN and Szkrybalo J (2002) Cognitive theories of early gender development. Psychological Bulletin 128: 903–933. McAninch CB, Milich R, Crumbo GB, et al. (1996) Children’s perception of gender-role-congruent and -incongruent behavior in peers: Fisherprice meets price waterhouse. Sex Roles 35: 619–638. Mueller AS, Pearson J, Muller C, et al. (2010) Sizing up peers: Adolescent girls’ weight control and social comparison in the school context. Journal of Health and Social Behavior 51: 64–78. Myers TA and Crowther JH (2009) Social comparison as a predictor of body dissatisfaction: A meta-analytic review. Journal of Abnormal Psychology 118: 683–698. Ogden J and Russell S (2012) How Black women make sense of ‘White’ and Black’ fashion magazines: A qualitative think aloud study. Journal of Health Psychology 18: 1588–1600. Olive LS, Byrne DG and Cunningham RB (2012) Effects of physical activity, fitness and fatness on children’s body image: The Australian LOOK longitudinal study. Mental Health and Physical Activity 5: 116–124. Ricciardelli LA and McCabe MP (2001) Children’s body image concerns and eating disturbance: A review of the literature. Clinical Psychology Review 21: 325–344. Ricciardelli LA, McCabe MP, Holt KE, et al. (2003) A biopsychosocial model for understanding body image and body change strategies among children. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 24: 475–495.
Ricciardelli LA, McCabe MP and Ridge D (2006) The construction of the adolescent male body through sport. Journal of Health Psychology 11: 577–587. Schur EA, Sanders M and Steiner H (2000) Body dissatisfaction and dieting in young children. International Journal of Eating Disorders 27: 74–82. Sharpe H, Naumann U, Treasure J, et al. (2013) Is fat talking a causal risk factor for body dissatisfaction? A systematic review and meta-analysis. International Journal of Eating Disorders 46: 643–652. Shroff H and Thompson JK (2006) The tripartite influence model of body image and eating disturbance: A replication with adolescent girls. Body Image 3: 17–23. Smolak L and Stein JA (2006) The relationship of drive for muscularity to sociocultural factors, self-esteem, physical attributes gender role, and social comparison in middle school boys. Body Image 3: 121–129. Smolak L and Stein JA (2010) A longitudinal investigation of gender role and muscle building in adolescent boys. Sex Roles 63: 738–746. Stewart CJ and Cash WBJ (2003) Interviewing: Principles and Practices (3rd edn). New York: McGraw-Hill. Tatangelo GL and Ricciardelli LA (2013) A qualitative study of preadolescent boys’ and girls’ body image: Gendered ideals and sociocultural influences. Body Image 10: 591–598. Tiggemann M and Polivy J (2010) Upward and downward: Social comparison processing of thin idealized media images. Psychology of Women Quarterly 34: 356–364. Tiggemann M and Slater A (2014) Contemporary girlhood: Maternal reports on sexualized behaviour and appearance concern in 4–10 year-old girls. Body Image 11: 396–403. Wigfield A, Muenks K and Rosenzweig EQ (2015) Children’s achievement motivation in school. In: Rubie-Davies CM, Stephens JM and Watson P (eds) The Routledge International Handbook of Social Psychology of the Classroom. London: Routledge, pp. 9–20.
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HPQ0010.1177/1359105315615409Journal of Health PsychologyTatangelo and Ricciardelli
Article Journal of Health Psychology 1–12 © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1359105315615409 hpq.sagepub.com
Children’s body image and social comparisons with peers and the media Gemma L Tatangelo1 and Lina A Ricciardelli2
Abstract Social comparisons are related to the development of body dissatisfaction among adolescents and adults, yet this relationship remains relatively unexamined among children. This study examines children’s peer and media-related social comparisons, and how this impacts on their body image. Children aged 8–10 years completed interviews (17 girls and 19 boys in individual interviews, and 16 girls and 16 boys in focus groups). Analyses revealed that appearance-related comparisons were more common among girls, whereas sports/ ability-related comparisons were more common for boys. In addition, boys viewed media comparisons as inspiring, whereas girls reported negative emotions. Implications for future research and prevention programmes are discussed.
Keywords body image, children, media influences, peer influences, social comparisons
Children as young as 6- and 7-year old demonstrate body dissatisfaction including a desire to become thinner, and/or more muscular (Anschutz et al., 2009; Dohnt and Tiggemann, 2006; Duchin et al., 2014). Social comparisons have been found to be an important factor in the development and maintenance of body dissatisfaction among adults and adolescents (Myers and Crowther, 2009); however, in relation to children’s body image, social comparisons remain relatively unexamined. Social comparisons are critical to children’s development as they are the means by which children learn social information (Dijkstra et al., 2008). They also have important implications for children’s mental health including positive affect and selfesteem (Holt and Ricciardelli, 2002). Therefore, an examination of the ways in which children utilise social comparisons and how this may be related to their body image development is warranted.
Social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954) proposes that individuals process social information and evaluate themselves by making comparisons with others. In this way, social comparisons are a fundamental aspect of children’s social and emotional development (Chafel, 1986). Throughout childhood, the ability for social comparison develops as children learn about their own abilities, differences, strengths and weaknesses (Chafel, 1986). In later childhood after the age of 7 years, social comparisons become more evaluative and frequently used (Dijkstra et al., 2008). At this time, 1Australian 2Deakin
Catholic University, Australia University, Australia
Corresponding author: Gemma L Tatangelo, Institute of Health and Ageing, Australian Catholic University, Level 6, 215 Spring Street, Melbourne, VIC 3000 Australia. Email: [email protected]
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children also demonstrate a decline in positive self-concepts and an increase in body dissatisfaction (Ricciardelli and McCabe, 2001; Wigfield et al., 2015). However, few studies have examined this relationship between children’s social comparison use and their body dissatisfaction. One study conducted by Holt and Ricciardelli (2002) found that 30 per cent of boys and girls aged 8–10 years engaged in social comparisons in regard to aspects of their body including their weight and muscles. These comparisons were related to problem eating attitudes, muscle concerns and lower selfesteem. The researchers also found that girls engaged in more weight-related comparisons and boys engaged in more muscle-related comparisons. A limitation of previous research is that little is known about who the targets of children’s social comparisons are, and what effect this may have on their body image. Research has demonstrated that students prefer to compare themselves to peers of the same gender and age (e.g. Dumas et al., 2005). Therefore, the school context is important as it fosters observation and comparison among classmates (Mueller et al., 2010). In addition, media celebrities are likely to be important targets for social comparison as children are becoming increasingly exposed to idealised bodies in the media. Comparisons with celebrities, who epitomise the appearance ideals, have been shown to predict body dissatisfaction in men, women, adolescent girls and preadolescent girls (Carey et al., 2014; Dohnt and Tiggemann, 2006; Hargreaves and Tiggemann, 2009; Shroff and Thompson, 2006; Tiggemann and Polivy, 2010). This finding has also been observed among early adolescent boys. Smolak and Stein (2010) found that boys’ (mean age: 12.9 years) social comparisons predicted media investment in the muscular ideal which was in turn correlated with muscle building attitudes and behaviours. However, among girls under the age of 12 years, media-related social comparisons have been rarely examined, and they have not been examined at all among boys under the age of 12 years.
A further limitation of previous research is that there has been an exclusive focus on appearance-related social comparisons in regard to body dissatisfaction. However, the construct of body image also includes a functional aspect whereby the perception of one’s physical abilities influences body satisfaction (Abbott and Barber, 2010). In particular, preadolescent boys place a greater emphasis on the functionality of their bodies in relation to their body image (Olive et al., 2012; Schur et al., 2000). Evaluation of sporting abilities is achieved via sports/ ability-related social comparisons; therefore, the way in which these comparisons may be related to boys’ body image is an important research question. The aim of this study was to extend our current understanding of children’s use of social comparisons and how this relates to their body image. More specifically, this study examined children’s understanding and awareness of their use of social comparisons and the ways that children compare themselves to their peers and the media. In addition, two domains of social comparison were considered; appearance-related and sports/ability-related social comparisons. It was expected that there would be gender differences in children’s use of social comparisons. That is, boys’ social comparisons would focus on body function and girls’ would focus on body appearance and weight. This study was part of a larger study which examined body image and media and peer influences more generally (Tatangelo and Ricciardelli, 2013). More specifically, children’s use of social comparisons was examined within the context of body ideals, body dissatisfaction, media preferences and peer relationships. In order to more fully take into account the experiences of children, a qualitative approach using semi-structured interviews was selected for the study. This approach ensures that children’s answers could be probed in more depth than would be possible in a structured survey. Individual and focus group interviews were used, as the two methods provide different kinds of information (Stewart and Cash, 2003). Individual interviews provide a way of probing
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli answers in more depth (Ricciardelli et al., 2006). Focus groups generate more naturalistic discussion (Grogan and Richards, 2002).
Method Participants In all, 68 primary school children aged 8–10 years participated in the study. The schools represented a diverse range of demographic areas and socio-economic backgrounds. Girls had a mean age of 9.4 years (SD = 0.72), boys had a mean age of 9.2 years (SD = 0.74). In all, 32 children participated in focus groups (16 girls and 16 boys) and 36 participated in individual interviews (17 girls and 19 boys). Children were recruited from four schools in Melbourne, Australia. Two of the schools were state public primary schools, and two were private Catholic schools.
Design and data analysis Approval to conduct the study was obtained from the University Ethics committee, the Victorian Department of Education and Early Childhood Development and the Catholic Education Department. Approval from school principals and subsequently parents was sought. Only children who had parental consent were invited to participate. Children were informed that the questions included topics such as, appearance, exercise, friends, famous people and sports. Children were also told that their interviews would be audiotaped and that did not have to participate if they did not wish to. All children agreed to participate and were randomly allocated to an individual or focus group interview. There was no incentive for participation for the schools or participants. Interviews were conducted by the first author, a 25-year-old woman who was a PhD student, who had previous experience working with children. The focus groups were comprised of four, same-gender children. Each group interview took approximately 45 minutes, and individual interviews took 15 minutes. The
interview schedule was developed by the researchers who had previous experience in constructing and conducting interviews with children. Question development was based upon a review of existing children’s body image literature. The semi-structured interview schedule was used to guide the discussion, and probing questions were added where appropriate. Every interview was audiotaped and transcribed verbatim. Pseudonyms were assigned to protect participants’ anonymity. Social comparison questions included comparison with peers, media figures, sports comparisons and appearance comparisons. Questions that required children to comment on their own tendency for comparisons were only asked in the individual interviews. For example, the following was one of the questions: ‘Do you ever compare how you look to the way that other children look?’ Such questions were not asked in focus groups as they were considered to be too personal for children to discuss among their peers. Questions used in both the individual and focus group interviews were designed to tap into children’s understanding of social comparisons, for example, ‘If a girl/boy was looking at pictures of (insert name of child’s favourite celebrity), how do you think that might make a girl/boy feel about the way that they look, compared to the way that (celebrity) looks?’
Data analysis The transcripts were analysed and synthesised systematically using a thematic content analysis approach (Braun and Clarke, 2006). This approach allowed for the in-depth examination of children’s experiences of social comparisons via questions relating to the research aims. To ensure consistency, each transcript was reviewed several times using line-by-line coding. During this process, the reviewers coded each of the transcripts by examining the discourse line by line while making notes and memos in preparation for final themes. Initial codes and ideas were gradually defined into tentative themes and categories. To ensure consistency, each transcript was coded several
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times and the researchers met frequently to discuss interpretation of children’s answers until coding and final categories were agreed upon. An additional female graduate research assistant, who was experienced in the area of qualitative data analysis with children, independently coded six interviews. A good level of inter-rater agreement between the researchers and the research assistant was found (83.8%).
Results
13 boys (68%) in the individual interviews indicated that they did not, as illustrated by the following example: Annette (II): Not really, I really try not to compare myself with smartness and good-looking-ness. I care more about my school work than what I look like. Terry (II): No, other boys see me as a leader.
The findings are divided into four sections. These include ‘comprehension and awareness of social comparisons with peers’, ‘social comparisons with peers: appearance versus physical abilities’, ‘children’s social comparisons with media celebrities’ and ‘outcomes of comparisons with media celebrities’. Quotes from participants who were individually interviewed are represented as ‘II’ and quotes from participants who were in focus group interview are represented as ‘FG’.
However, five girls and three boys went on to make spontaneous appearance-related comparisons to their peers at other times during their interviews. For example,
Comprehension and awareness of social comparisons with peers
Social comparisons with peers: appearance versus physical abilities
Five girls (29%) and six boys (32%) in the individual interviews had difficulty understanding the concept of ‘comparisons’. They either asked for the comparison questions to be clarified or repeated, or they misunderstood the questions entirely. For example,
Throughout the focus group and individual interviews, girls made more appearance-related social comparisons with their peers than boys did. In all, 15 girls (45%) across the individual and the focus group interviews compared themselves to their peers in regard to aspects of their appearance including their weight, body shape, clothing, hair and prettiness. However, girls in the individual interviews often gave nonspecific and brief answers compared to girls in the focus groups. For example,
Interviewer: Do you ever compare the way you look to the way other children look? Nadia (II): Yes when someone has a nice top I tell them that’s a really pretty top. It was also clear that children were not always aware of using social comparisons as they often denied comparing themselves with their peers, yet made such comparisons spontaneously during the interview. For example, when asked if they ever compared their appearance to other children, 11 girls (65%) and
Megan (II): No I don’t. [Compare her appearance] Interviewer: Is there anyone who you would like to look a bit like? Megan (II): I think Grace is really pretty … she is tall.
Interviewer: Do you ever think about the way you look in comparison to the way other girls look? Laura (II): Sometimes Interviewer: When do you think about that? Laura (II): I don’t know, just sometimes. Interviewer: Do you think about anyone in particular in comparison to you?
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli Laura (II): I don’t really think about anyone who I am not friends with. The focus groups more fully highlighted the different ways these social comparisons were used as direct examples of girls comparing themselves were observed:
much more thin or fitter or healthier, and they think ‘I want to be like that person because they are healthy and popular’. So they go on a diet and then in the end it might get them more friends and they won’t be as lonely and as uncomfortable as being themselves.
Kim (FG): I want to look like Mia and Mia wants to look like me. She thinks that I’m pretty but I don’t think I’m pretty, I think she’s pretty. She doesn’t think she is pretty.
Only six boys (17%) across the individual and focus group interviews made appearancerelated social comparisons with their peers. For example,
Girls were also often self-critical in their comparisons with their peers, while highlighting what they liked about their peers. The following are two examples:
David (II): From other people I look good. To some other kids, I’m better than them; and some other kids are better than me.
Amy (FG): I want to look like (her friend). I actually don’t like the way I look, I think I look very ugly. Jade (FG): I have always wanted (her friend’s) long hair, but my hair is all fuzzy.
Boys did not discuss why other boys may compare themselves. Boys typically stated that they did not know or gave short, nondescriptive answers.
In addition, girls in the focus groups discussed appearance-related comparisons at length and could give detailed reasons why another girl might compare her appearance with others. The following statements were made by girls about why a girl might want to lose weight: Kate (FG): It might have been something someone said, but might be if they just looked at someone and thought ‘they look really skinny and pretty’ and they think they’re fat or plump-ish and then they might want to be more like them so they go on a diet to look more pretty and be included. I think people go on diets Amy (FG): because they compare themselves to others who are
Interviewer: Why might a boy compare the way he looks to the way his friends look? Ryan (FG): I don’t know Noah (FG): I don’t know either: well may be if the other boy was hot. The most frequent type of comparison made by boys was in regard to functional aspects of their body relating to sports and how these could be improved. Overall, 21 boys (60%) made sports/abilities comparisons in relation to their peers across the individual and focus group interviews. These comparisons focused on being the best in terms of ability, strength, exercise, speed, endurance and time spent training. For example, Brett (FG): I’m probably one of the best at footy, not the very best but my best sports are footy and cricket.
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Journal of Health Psychology Andrew (FG): I’m probably the best batsman on our team, but out of everyone I’m probably first or second. Tony (II): I am super-fast, but Dan is the fastest and Jim, Dan and Tim are the fastest guys in my class.
In the focus groups, boys discussed their sporting skills by highlighting and comparing their strengths: Mark (FG): I’ve never come less than fifth in the cross country and in the national cross country, out of 700 people, I came tenth this year. Jason (FG): (In response to Mark), You came 20th, I got 12th and you got 20th; I beat you, I flogged you!1 Four boys (11%) indicated that they felt negative when they compared themselves to their peers who were perceived to be better at sports. For example, Jared (II): Yes sometimes (I compare), mostly with other people who are good. Interviewer: How does that make you feel? Jared (II): A bit jealous because they are better than me. Girls in the individual interviews generally stated that they did not compare their sporting abilities with other children. However, eight girls (24%) did in fact compare their sporting abilities to their peers and generally commented that they were about average compared to their peers. For example, Samantha (II): I think some children do it (sport) a bit better, but I think I’m still a bit good because when we did our
cross country I came tenth, so I think I’m ok with sport but other people are still better.2
Children’s social comparisons with media celebrities Boys’ favourite and most talked about celebrities were sportsmen. These men and their skills were frequently discussed in all four of the boys’ focus groups. However, comparisons with these men were made less frequently than comparisons with peers. In total, only three boys in the focus groups compared themselves to their favourite celebrities. In addition, only two boys (6%) in the individual interviews compared themselves with media celebrities. For example, Interviewer: Is there anyone you would like to look a bit like when you’re older? Tony (II): Heath Shaw from Collingwood3 … He is well built and good looking. Of the boys who did compare themselves to their favourite sportsmen, four of these were made in regard to physical abilities, sportsmanship or their vocation. For example, Interviewer: Do you have any favourite famous people? Jake (II): Any Carlton4 player Interviewer: Do you ever try and copy people like that – like footballers? Jake (II): I think so and three of my best friends certainly do, they follow football like me … We like playing markers up where we kick the ball and try to mark it like them. Interviewer: How would you like to look when you’re a bit older? Jake (II): I want to be wearing a Carlton jumper with a ball in my hands.
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli Girls’ favourite celebrities were most often singers and actresses, whom they often described in terms of having an attractive or desirable appearance as well as being talented. However, among the girls, the targets for spontaneous comparisons were more often peers than media celebrities. In the individual interviews, only three girls (18%) compared themselves with media celebrities. In the focus groups, only six of the girls (37%) also made spontaneous appearance-related comparisons with female celebrities. For instance, Carla (FG): Well I think my hair is super ugly and my teeth are too big … I’d like to look like Pink because she has radical pink hair.5 Molly (FG): Like the grown-up Hermione from Harry Potter, I think I’d be happy with myself then, she doesn’t have any freckles and I have freckles and my sister teases me. Girls in the focus groups clearly demonstrated a familiarity with media comparisons and what the outcome of such a comparison might be for another girl. For example, Kim (FG): When you get older and you read more magazines where you see celebrities who are like that thin and you start feeling jealous and you think, I want to be that thin and then you go on diets and you don’t eat anything. However, most girls in the individual interviews (11 girls or 65%) stated that they did not compare their own looks with the looks of female celebrities. During focus group discussions, some girls elaborated on this and indicated that celebrities were unrealistic targets for comparison. For example, in one focus group, girls discussed the inappropriateness of trying to copy their favourite celebrities:
Emily (FG): Sometimes I think it’s easier to copy friends. Stephanie (FG): Because celebrities have designers. Jade (FG): I’ve seen celebrities without make up and they have spots and stuff on their face. Bridget (FG): Yeah you look at them without make-up and it’s yuk.
Outcomes of comparisons with media celebrities Differences were observed in the nature and outcomes of media comparisons between girls and boys when they were asked to comment ‘hypothetically’ on how a girl/boy may feel if they were to compare themselves with their favourite media celebrities. In all, 18 girls (55%) suggested that if another girl was to compare her appearance to her favourite celebrity, the outcome would be negative, including feelings of sadness, jealousy, unhappiness and/or wanting to change their appearance. For example, three girls from individual interviews explained, Hannah (II): Sometimes jealous if they want to look like that but if they knew that person happy for them that they looked like that. Nadia (II): Well it might make them want to look more like (the celebrity) and change the way they (the other girl) look. Lucy (II): Well, I would feel a bit jealous (when comparing herself to Miley Cyrus) because I really want to look like her. This tendency for girls to perceive negative outcomes associated with appearance-related comparisons with celebrities was more fully illustrated with the following discussion between girls in one focus group:
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Journal of Health Psychology Nicole (FG): I reckon Sarah (Nicole’s peer) would be jealous because she is, no offense to her, not as good looking, and I reckon she would see them (female celebrities) and go ‘aw how come I’m not as good looking as that’. Sandra (FG): Fat people would go, ‘how come I can’t be that skinny?’
In contrast to the negative reactions expressed by the girls, just over half of the boys (19 boys or 54%) thought that looking at pictures of their favourite celebrities (who were typically sportsmen) would result in positive or neutral feelings. For example, Tom (FG): It makes them feel like it is possible to look like them and be as good as them. Adam (FG): It would make you feel good because you could be slowly looking like the person, just say it’s the person you want to look like, well you’re starting to look like them. It was also evident that the boys generally focused on the skill of the celebrity rather than appearance as their point of comparison. For example, one boy stated, It makes you feel good Joel (FG): because you think you can achieve that and I could be like that person, like you could be number 36 for Collingwood, you could be 16 for Melbourne Victory.6 Another boy explained why he thought that boys feel inspired when seeing famous sportsmen: Aaron (II): They want to be like them, they want to grow up to be a footballer, that’s what their
dreams are, because they are good at it. I’m good at basketball, so I want to grow up to be a basket baller. So I think that will be me in 20 years’ time. Only three boys (9%) reported any negative feelings associated with media comparisons. For example, one boy said that looking at pictures of his favourite footballers might lead to negative feelings: Sad … embarrassed … David (II): Because they (footballers) might have muscles and be more fitter.
Discussion This study examined children’s social comparison use and how this may relate to their body image. This included an examination of children’s understanding and awareness of the way they compare themselves to their peers and the media. The interviews demonstrated that not all children understood the concept and that some children were not aware that they are making these comparisons. This confusion was generally resolved when the concept was explained in more detail and when examples were given. Apart from comprehension issues, children may also be reluctant to admit they compare themselves to others, particularly in regard to their appearance as this may be seen to be socially undesirable. Despite this, children demonstrated frequent use of social comparisons on a range of domains including appearance and physical abilities. Overall, the findings suggest that peers were more prominent targets for comparison than were media figures. This is unsurprising as more information is available from peers due to familiarity. Peers were also likely to be an important reference for social comparison given the need to be accepted by one’s peers (Dijkstra et al., 2008; Krayer et al., 2008). As expected, gender differences were identified in the types of comparisons made. For
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli girls, appearance-related social comparisons were the most common type of comparison and this is consistent with previous research which has demonstrated that girls often engage in appearance-related comparisons and conversations with their peers (Blowers et al., 2003). Peer conversations among girls in this study demonstrated a much greater focus on appearance than boys’ peer conversations. Girls were often self-critical in their appearance comparisons with their peers, while highlighting what they liked about their peers. This finding reflects previous findings which have identified a ‘peer appearance culture’ among girls (Jones, 2004; Krayer et al., 2008). The current findings indicate that young girls are engaging in comparisons about their own bodies among their peers. This is detrimental as it places a focus on, and reinforces the importance of appearance within girls’ friendship groups (Jones, 2004; Krayer et al., 2008) and may also exacerbate the impact of appearance-related social comparisons. For example, ‘fat talk’ involves critical discussion with peers about one’s own appearance and this is associated with body dissatisfaction among women and adolescents (Sharpe et al., 2013). Furthermore, recent research has shown that a lack of self-compassion, or being highly selfcritical, may exacerbate the impact of social comparisons on wellbeing (Duarte et al., 2015). Boys demonstrated less frequent use of appearance-related social comparisons and more frequent use of sports/abilities-related social comparisons. For boys, sport and physical abilities were an important aspect of conversations regarding media and peer influences and body image. Previous research with men and boys has also demonstrated that when discussing body image, boys prefer to discuss these topics in reference to the functional components of their bodies (Grogan and Richards, 2002; Krayer et al., 2008). Ricciardelli et al. (2006) also found that among adolescent boys, the aspects of their bodies they liked the most and those which they most wanted to improve on were those which were synonymous with being successful at sport, such as size, speed, strength and fitness (Ricciardelli et al., 2006).
Sporting performance has also been shown to be a motive for preadolescent boys who want to change their body (Birbeck and Drummond, 2006; Schur et al., 2000). Whether abilityrelated social comparisons with peers play a role in boys’ use of body change strategies, is an important question for further research. This may be a precursor to muscle building conversations, body dissatisfaction and the use of harmful body change strategies as found among adolescent boys (Jones and Crawford, 2005). The gendered trends in children’s social comparison usage reflect gender ideologies which are present within Western societies. For example, young girls are socialised to perceive that they will be evaluated on their physical appearance, while boys are socialised to perceive that they will be evaluated on their physical abilities including strength and athleticism (e.g. Smolak and Stein, 2006; Tiggemann and Slater, 2014). Furthermore, research shows that during childhood, gender ideals are more ridged and inflexible than in adolescence and children seek to actively pursue gender-congruent behaviours (McAnnich et al., 1996; Martin et al., 2002). Therefore, this will be an important topic to examine in future research as rigid gender ideals may be a source of peer pressure as well as personal expectations among children. The majority of girls thought that looking at pictures of female celebrities might cause negative emotions such as feeling sad or jealous or wanting to change their appearance. This finding is consistent with previous studies with early adolescent girls which have found that media comparisons are associated with increased body dissatisfaction (Carey et al., 2014). Only three boys suggested media comparisons may cause negative emotions, whereas half of the boys suggested that it would result in feeling good, inspired or neutral. A lack of studies examining this area among boys makes it difficult to draw on previous research in order to interpret these findings. However, researchers have found a lesser effect of media exposure on body image for boys than girls (e.g. Hargreaves and Tiggemann, 2004). Thus, if boys respond to social comparisons with media celebrities
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positively, this may explain why they appear to be less susceptible to the negative impact of media images. The current findings indicated that boys may have felt positive about media comparisons because they identified with their favourite celebrities and wanted to emulate them. Buunk et al. (1990) argued that the effect of social comparisons depends on how the individual identifies with the comparison target. For instance, when children compare themselves to a betterperforming other, and the child contrast themselves, they may experience negative affect and feel inferior, but when they identify with a better-performing other, they may feel inspired to perform better (Dijkstra et al., 2008). In addition, research has also shown that individuals may show resilience to social comparisons when they believe the other person is not a relevant target for comparison (Ogden and Russell, 2012). Although no previous study has examined this among preadolescent boys, Anschutz et al. (2012) found that 6- to 8-year-old girls showed higher body satisfaction after exposure to the thin ideal characters. The authors suggest that young girls who internalised the thin ideal were inspired by thin media characters. None of the girls in this study described being inspired by media celebrities, however they were 2 years older, and this age difference may account for the different findings. The findings demonstrated that the focus group interviews provided a richer context for examining children’s social comparisons than the individual interviews. The individual interviews provided limited information because children were generally less descriptive in their responses. On the other hand, children in the focus group disclosed more information and the natural conversation and interaction between the children enabled direct examination of how children used social comparisons among their peers. Limitations of the qualitative approach need to be noted. Given the gendered nature of body ideals, boys may be reluctant to discuss their appearance and may have opted to discuss the more socially accepted topic of sports, fitness
and exercise. Children may have been influenced by their peers in the group, especially as the children were known to each other. Additionally, the interviews were conducted by a female. It is unknown how this may have influenced boys’ disclosure in the interviews. However, Grogan and Richards (2002) found that boys felt less threatened when their focus groups were facilitated by a woman. All interviews were also coded by women; therefore, the final themes were interpreted in line with females’ perspectives of boys’ experiences. Another limitation was that demographic and socio-economic details for the families of participants were not collected. In addition, children’s height and weight were not recorded; therefore, body mass index (BMI) could not be calculated. Previous research has shown that BMI is associated with children’s body image (e.g. Ricciardelli et al., 2003) and as such, this will be an important consideration in future research. The qualitative design utilised in this study has provided a detailed and in-depth understanding of the ways in which children use social comparisons and has identified several avenues for further research. First, questions which require children to directly comment on whether or not they compare themselves to other children on their appearance should be used with caution, as it is a concept which is difficult for some children at this age to grasp. A notable gender difference observed was in regard to media comparisons and the outcomes of these comparisons. Girls thought that media comparisons might result in negative emotions such as feeling sad or jealous, whereas boys indicated more positive emotions. Longitudinal research that examines the developmental trajectory of boys’ and girls’ use of social comparisons and the associated outcomes is needed to understand how social comparisons are used from childhood to early adolescence. Specifically, studies are needed to examine whether children’s tendency to make ability-related or appearancerelated social comparisons play a role in their use of body change strategies. Studies are also needed to examine whether boys’ general tendency for inspiring-evoking comparisons are
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Tatangelo and Ricciardelli maintained into adolescence, and if so, whether this is a protective factor which could be encouraged in boys and also in girls in future prevention programmes. Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Notes 1. Some identifiable information has been removed and replaced within this quotation. 2. Some identifiable information has been removed and replaced within this quotation. 3. Collingwood is a team in the Australian Football League. 4. Carlton is a team in the Australian Football League. 5. ‘Pink’ is an American singer-songwriter. 6. Melbourne Victory is a professional soccer club based in Melbourne.
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