Perceptualand Mofor Skills, 1992, 75, 1035-1042. O Perceptual and Motor Skills 1992
CHILDREN'S GENDER-TYPED PERCEPTIONS OF PHYSICAL ACTIVITY: CONSEQUENCES A N D IMPLICATIONS ' BARBARA J. MEAD
The UniuersiQ of Tennessee
ARLENE A. IGNICO
Ball State Universi~
Summary.-This paper provides an expanded discussion of issues raised in our 1990 experimental study, with particular focus upon the differential cognitive, affective, and psychomotor consequences to girls and boys of gender-typed, sex-segregated play. Evidence is provided that, as agents of sociahzation, teachers and schools can enlist practices and structure to foster cross-sex interaction and behavior. Nonstereotypical play is advocated so that each sex can enjoy the benefits typically accruing only to the opposite; correspondingly, and in light of a society not yet gender-aschernatic, psychological androgyny is invoked as the developmental ideal.
I n a study of the extent ro which children in grades one to four genderlabel physical activities, we employed the 24-item Physical Activity Stereotyping Index (Ignico, 1989) to test 224 girls and 196 boys in two matched elementary schools from different regions of the country (Ignico & Mead, 1990). The children's version of the Index displays silhouettes of individuals with sex-neutral body forms engaging in different physical activities, and subjects select one of five response choices in Likert format in judging the extent to which the activity is more for boys, for girls, or for both equally. I n that study we obtained more stereotypical responses from boys than from girls, and at each grade more from children in the southeast than from those in the midwest. Although in both regions children scored similarly across grades, the midwestern second grade responded less stereotypically than did the other three midwestern grades. This was explained by reference to the deliberate efforts of the classroom teacher to structure a gender-free environment and to encourage cross-sex work and play groups. We suggested that such efforts seem desirable on the part of both parents and teachers since differential benefits in the cognitive, affective, and psychomotor domains appear to derive from the gender-typed physical activity perceptions and sex-segregated play patterns of girls and boys. I t appears useful now to set forth a more complete elaboration of these differential consequences than was appropriate within the parameters of that experimental study. I n addition, here we provide evidence that particular agents of socialization can foster cross-sex interaction and behavior and suggest that play which transcends that which is gender-stereotyped allows each sex to develop in ways normally only characteristic of the other. The result-
'Send correspondence to Dr. Barbara J. Mead, Department of Human Performance and Sport Studies, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN 37996-2700.
1036
B. J. MEAD & A . A. IGNICO
ing psychological and behavioral androgyny would appear pragmatic and a logical transition toward the gender-aschematic society that Bem (1984) envisions as ideal. SAME-SEXPLAY I t is well established that children prefer to play in same-sex, as opposed to cross-sex, groups (e.g., Maccoby & Jacklin, 1987; Pitcher & Schultz, 1983; Whiting & Edwards, 1988). Same-sex playmate preference is reportedly established by age three in girls and by age four in boys (Pitcher & Schultz, 1983). Furthermore, this preference has been observed cross-culturally (Whiting & Edwards, 1988) and is known to increase with age and to be maintained through middle childhood (Maccoby, 1988). Maccoby and J a c b n (1987) discuss a number of factors which might account for this behavioral phenomenon, including the distinctive toy and activity preferences and play styles of the sexes. Although they conclude that a combination of factors produce sex-segregated social behavior, they suggest that gender-labeling (i.e., labeling oneself and others as a girl or boy) is of primary importance. I n a subsequent paper, Maccoby (1988) considers explanations that are biologically based, those stemming from socialization by adults, and the gender cognitions of children themselves. As in the former paper, she attributes greatest significance to the child's gender identity, while also attaching importance to the socialization process and acknowledging the possibility of biological influence. COGNITIVE CONSEQUENCES Concerns associated with sex-segregated, gender-stereotypical play relate to the differential nature and affects of "boys' lay" versus "girls' play" and whether or not there are subsequent adulthood consequences. Emmott (1985) has suggested that the adolescent sex difference in the cognitive style dimension of field dependencelindependence may be attributable to the socially conditioned ways in which girls and boys play. In particular, she has noted the opportunity for visuospatlal skill learning, with its possible linkage to the development of field-independence, that accrues to boys from their more complex, active, ball play. While Witkin and Goodenough (1981) have pointed out that there is no inherent "good" or "bad" in the two cognitive styles, the different styles tend to predispose individuals toward preferences and success in different educational and occupational fields. According to research cited by Ernmott (1985), individuals who are field-independent outperform those who are field-dependent in mathematics, statistics, and physics; thus, in terms of both academic performance and career opportunities, field-dependent people (most often females) are disadvantaged when such knowledge/skills are needed. AFFECTIVECONSEQUENCES Gender-typed physical activity perceptions and play patterns also have
CHILDREN'S GENDER-TYPED PERCEPTIONS
1037
consequences for affective learning, i.e., development of values, attitudes, and feelings about oneself and others, along with the enabling social skiUs for effective work and play interactions. I n two frequently cited articles (1776, 1778), sociologist Janet Lever reported a number of differences in the play of boys and girls which she speculated would better equip boys for successful roles in the work setting outside the home; in particular, for effective functioning within organizational structures (Lever, 1978). Among her research findings, Lever (1976, 1978) reported that relative to girls, boys (a) receive more "independence training" through their greater tendency to play outdoors, farther from home, (b) play in larger groups thereby allowing more practice of interpersonal skills, (c) play in more "ageheterogeneous" groups which requires greater adaptability, (d) engage in more competitive activities with clearly defined goals and explicit rules to which they must conform, (e) engage in play activities for longer periods of time in part because they become adept at conflict resolution, and (I) play in more complex activities so, among other outcomes, they experience greater "player interdependence" and "role differentiation." Girls' play, by contrast, has more restricted bodily movement, tends to be more cooperative, is comprised of a very small number of players, is loosely structured with few if any rules, and often involves turn-taking rather than interdependence. By its nature, girls' play fosters the development of "delicate socio-emotional slulls" and skills of nurturance, sensitivity, and selfexpression (Lever, 1976). A similar list of sex-differentiated play characteristics, based upon the work of Lever (1776) and a number of other researchers, has been provided by Maccoby and Jacklin (1787). According to Lever (1976, 1978), it is reasonable to postulate that this differential socialization of girls and boys will equip them for different adult roles. She suggests that males may be particularly advantaged in terms of work in organizations with "structural features" in common with the complex games they played as boys. However, if we are to believe the predictions of trend forecasters Naisbitt and Aburdene in their book, Megatvends 2000 (1990), the decade of the '90s will find women in the business leadershp roles. I n fact, these authors state, "To be a leader in business today, it is no longer an advantage to have been socialized as a male" (p. 217). In his forecast for the '80s, Naisbitt (1982) predicted a trend from "hierarchies to networking." Since boys' play is characterized by hierarchical arrangements (Maccoby & Jacklin, 1987), perhaps this aspect of play socialization should no longer be considered advantageous. Also, in their latest work, Naisbitt and Aburdene (1970) forecast that a cooperative leadership model (a characteristic of the play of girls) rather than an authoritarian management model (characteristic of the dominance issues and hierarchical system of boys' play) will prevail in the 1990s. The authors provide evidence that this trend is already manifest.
1038
B. J. MEAD & A. A . IGNICO
PSYCHOMOTOR CONSEQUENCES For those interested in psychomotor development, gender-typed physical activity perceptions and preferences have been a persistent concern. Motor developmentalists have generally reported (a) few (Morris, Williams, Atwater, & Wilmore, 1982) or no (Beitel & Mead, 1980) sex differences in motor performance among preschool-age children, (b) on most skills small differences in favor of boys during childhood, and (c) plateau or regression on the part of midadolescent girls while boys continue the age-related improvement formerly characteristic of both sexes (Eckert, 1987; Haywood, 1986; Thomas & French, 1985, 1987). The most common and persuasive explanation for the motor performance sex differences found in childhood and magnified in adolescence is conformance by both sexes to stereotypical gender-role prescriptions transmitted through the socialization process (Greendorfer, 1980; Haywood, 1986; Payne & Isaacs, 1991; Thomas & French, 1985, 1987). In addition, Eccles, Jacobs, and Harold (1990) speak of the self-fulfilling prophecy phenomenon whereby children's self-perceptions tend to align with the stereotypically gender-biased competency notions of their parents. These self-perceptions then become a self-fulfilling prophecy as children engage in and practice those activities in which they expect to d o well and avoid those in which they have little or no confidence in themselves. Investigations by these researchers provide evidence of the contribution of the self-fulfilling prophecy to gender differences in mathematics and sports performance. The stereotypically sex-differentiated play of childhood works to the psychomotor disadvantage of girls, since their play, with its more restricted bodily movement and emphasis upon turn-taking activities rather than interactive sports (Lever, 1976), does little to develop the fundamental motor skills. When children, typically girls, do not master the fundamental skills, they are confronted by a "proficiency barrier" which precludes successful progression to advanced sport activities (Seefeldt, 1980). Sport scientists are beginning to accumulate evidence that, indeed, motor experience is a more cogent explanation for observed sex differences than are inherent biological differences. For example, in studies with elementary school children, Kuhlman and Beitel reported that sex differences favoring boys on the Bassin timer, a task of anticipation of coincidence, were negated by previous open-task sport experiences (1989) and also by videogame experience (1791). With a more "real-world" task, dribblinglkicking a soccer ball, Beitel and Kuhlman (1992) similarly found on initial performance that the effects of sex were negated by subjects' previous in-depth open-task sport experience. In summary, relative to the cognitive domain, we have observed that boys' play is conducive to the development of visuospatial skills (a component of coincidence anticipation) and field-independence (an attribute asso-
CHILDREN'S GENDER-TYPED PERCEPTIONS
1039
ciated with mathematical skills, and not inconsequentially, with success in meeting the demands of team sports). I n the affective domain, we have noted several interpersonal skills resulting from boys' play which have been associated with success in both play and work endeavors. While the skills apparently stiU have merit, the predictions of Naisbitt and Aburdene (1990) suggest that reinterpretation may be in order as these social skills relate to corporate leadership positions. And finally, evidence regarding psychomotor development indicates the clear advantage of boys' play. Stereotypical girls' play simply does not foster development of the broad range of fundamental motor skills; girls so restricted cannot proceed to acquire more advanced sport skills.
IMPLICATIONS FOR CHANGE Although the participation of elementary-school-age girls in team sports has increased over the last two decades since Title I X of the Education Amendments Act of 1972, most observers, including those who write for our popular literature (Shapiro, 1990), d o not note the dramatic changes occasionally reported (Diagnostic Research, Inc., 1988) and continue to search, as d o the scientists (e.g., Maccoby & Jacklin, 1987), for answers as to what drives the sex difference in play behavior. However, many sociologists and developmentalists believe that the socialization of children by parents, teachers, and peers is likely the most powerful force contributing to stereotypic gender-role formation and its many manifestations. As suggested in our previous paper (Ignico & Mead. 1990), parents and teachers must find ways to foster equal status cross-sex interaction and behavior so both sexes realize the benefits normally accruing only to the opposite sex. Evidence suggests that teachers and schooling can make a difference. Researchers who have compared "traditional" and "open" or "progressive" schools report that there are more child-to-child interactions and more crosssex interactions in the nontraditional schools. I n these schools, teachers typically attempt to avoid sexist practices such as having girls and boys form separate lines, play in sex-segregated groups, and work at different tables (Berk & Lewis, 1977; Bianchi & Bakeman, 1978). However, Lockheed and Klein (1985) caution teachers to take care in structuring mixed-sex work groups so that boys and girls have equal status. Otherwise, stereotypes may be confirmed, in large part by male dominance, and girls in particular will find mixed-sex group work increasingly aversive (Lockheed & Harris, 1984). A study by DiLeo, Moely, and Sulzer (1979) showed that within a school setting adults can structure filmed observational learning events for young children where same-sex peer models, responding in counternormative ways, can affect imitation of toy preferences. Further, there was some generalization of observational learning to toy play and to game and occupational choices.
1040
B. J. MEAD & A. A. IGNICO
Several authors offer insight and suggestions for how leaders and educators involved in sport and physical education can create equity and counteract gender-typed notions and behaviors. Theoretical articles on the issue have been written by Bray (1988) in which she analyses sport from a socialist feminist perspective, and by Knoppers (1988) in which different models for achieving sex equity are reviewed. Geadelmann (1985) discusses equity in physical education and athletics and presents strategies for change such as dirole rectly confronting stereotypes and sexism and providing non~tereot~pical models. Both Greendorfer (1980) and Lever (1776) present research on the topic and recommend a broadening of the physical education program beyond the typical competitive sport emphasis.
CONCLUSION If children are ever to be freed from the constraints of narrowly defined gender-role prescriptions, it would appear necessary for agents and institutions of socialization not only to adopt the foregoing strategies, but also to embrace the notion of psychological androgyny. Since the early 1970s when psychologist Sandra Bem provided an instrument to measure masculinity, femininity, and androgyny (Bem, 1974), interest in androgynism has continued and has had many advocates (e.g., Duquin, 1978; Ferguson, 1977; Havighurst, 1983; Pitcher & Schultz, 1983; Trebilcot, 1777), although it has not been without its detractors (e.g., Elshtain, 1981). There is continuing research on the topic (e.g., Alpert-Gillis & Connell, 1989; Hemmer & Kleiber, 1981; Hendrix &Johnson, 1985; Sedney, 1987) as well as the formulation and testing of new theoretical constructs (Bem, 1984; Marsh & Byrne, 1991). We agree with Bem (1984) that, rather than androgyny, the goal of sodety ought to be the elimination of gender schema as a way of organizing our perceptions and our social world. Her c d for a gender-aschematic society is well reasoned but holds no promise for fulfillment in any future we can realistically envision. I t likely also carries with it more political baggage than does her original advocacy of androgyny. As a rational compromise and transition then to Bem's brave new world, and in keeping with the self-evident conclusions from this review, we propose that our strivings be toward the more modest vision of developing and becoming androgynous beings. I n so doing we are advocating the development of cross-gender traits to provide psychological and behavioral flexibility. If the androgynous model of human development were to prevail, we might then find children engaged in cross-sex physical activity where the positive attributes of the play of each sex become incorporated into the personalities and behaviors of both sexes, and negative characteristics are mitigated by the counterbalance. -
~
CHILDREN'S GENDER-TYPED PERCEPTIONS
1041
REFERENCES ALPERT-GLUJS, L. J., & CONNELL, J. P. (1989) Gender and sex-role idluences on cMdren's self-esteem. Journal of Personalily, 57, 97-114. BEITEL,P A , , & KU~ILMAN, J. S. (1992) Relationships among age, sex, and depth of sport experience with initial open-task performance by 4- to 9-year-old children. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 74, 387-396. BEITEL,P A,, & MEAD,B. J. (1980) Bruininks-Oseretsky Test of Motor Proficiency: a viable measure for 3- to 5-year-old children. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 51, 919-923. BEM, S. L. (1974) The measurement of psychological androgyny. Journal of Consirlting and Clinical Psychology, 42, 155-162. BEM, S. L. (1984) ~ n d r o ~ y nand y gender schema theory: a conceptual and empirical integration. Nebraska Symposirrm on Motivation, 32, 179-226. BEM, L. E., & LEWIS,N. G. (1977) Sex role and social behavior in four school environments. The Elementary School Journal, 77, 205-217. BIANCHI,B. D., & BAKEWAN,R. (1978) Sex-typed affiliation preferences observed in preschoolers: traditional and open school differences. ChiM Developmen!, 49, 910-912. BRAY,C. (1988) Sport and social change: socialist feminist theory. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation and Dance, 59, 50-53. DIAGNOSTIC RESEARCH, INC. (1988) The Wilson report: moms, dads, daughters and sports. In cooperation with the Women's Sports Foundation. River Grove, IL: Wilson Sporting Goods Co. DILEO,J. C., MOELY,B. E., & SULZER, J. L. (1979) Frequency and modifiability of children's preferences for sex-typed toys, games, and occupations. Child Strrdy Journal, 9, 141-159. DUQUIN,M. E. (1978) The androgynous advantage. In C. A. Oglesby (Ed.), Women and sport: from myth to reality. Philadelphia, PA: Lea & Febiger. Pp. 89-106. ECCLES, . S., JACOBS, J. E., & HAROLD, R. D. (1990) Gender role stereotypes, expectancy efh t s , and parents' socialization of gender differences. ]ournu/ of Social Issues, 46, 183-
201. ECKERT,H. M. (1987) Motor devrlopme~rt Indianapolis, IN: Benchmark Press. ELSHTAIN, J. B. (1981) Aga~nstandrogvnv Telos, 47, 5-21. EMMOIT. S. (1985) Sex d~fferenresIn children's play: implications for cognition. International Journal o/ Women3 Studies, 8, 449-456. FERGUSON, A. (1977) Androgyny as an ideal for human development. In M. Vetterling-Bra gin, F. A. Elliston, & J. English (Eds.), Feminism and philosophy. Torowa, NJ: ~ittleEeld, Adams. Pp. 45-69. P. L. (1985) Sex equity in hysical education and athletics. In S. S. Klein (Ed.), GEADELMANN, Handbook for achieving sex equity tt!rough education. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univet. Press. Pp. 319-337. GREENDORFER, S. L. (1980) Gender differences in physical activity. Motor Skills: Theory into Practice, 4, 83-90. HAVIGHURST, R. J. (1983) Sex-role development. Journal o/ Research and Development in Education, 16, 60-65. HAYWOOD, K. M. (1986) Lije span motor development. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. , A. (1981) Tomboys and sissies: androgynous children? Sex HEMMER,J. D., & K L E ~ E RD. Roles. 7 , 1205-1212. HENDRM,L., & JOHNSON, G. D. (1985) Instrumental and expressive socialization: a false dichotomy. Sex Roles, 13, 581-595. IGNICO,A. A. (1989) Development and verification of a gender-role stereotyping index for physical activities. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 68, 1067-1075. IGNICO,A. A,, & MEAD,B. J. (1990) Children's perceptions of the gender-appropriateness of physical activities. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 71, 1275-1281. KNOPPERS, A. (1988) Equity for exceuence in physical education. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation and Dance, 59, 54-58. KUHLMAN, J. S., & BEITEL, P. A. (1989) Age/sex/experience: possible explanations of differences in anticipation of coincidence. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 68, 1283-1289. K ~ I L M AJ. N ,S., & BEITEL,P. A. (1991) Videogame experience: a possible explanation for differences in anticipation of coincidence. Percephral and Motor Skills, 72, 483-488.
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LEVER,J. (1976) Sex differences in the games children play. Social Problems, 23, 478-487. LEVER,J. (1978) Sex differences in the complexity of children's play and games. American Sociological Review, 43, 471-483. LOCKHEED, M. E., & HARRIS,A. M. (1984) Cross-sex collaborative learning in elementary classrooms. American Educational Research Journal, 21, 275-294. LOCKHEED, M. E., & KLEM, S. S. (1985) Sex equity in classroom organization and climate. In S. S. Klein (Ed.), Hondbook for achieving sex equity through education. Baltimore. M D : Johns Hopkins Univer. Press. Pp. 189-217. MACCOBY, E . E. (1988) Gender as a social category. Developmental Psychology, 24, 755-765. MACCOBY, E. E., & JACKLIN,C . N. (1987) Gender segregation in cluldhood. In H . W. Reese (Ed.), Muances in child development and behavior Vol. 20. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Pp. 239-287. MARSH,H. W., & BYRNE,B. M. (1991) Differentiated additive androgyny model: relations between masculinity, femininity, and multiple dimensions of self-concept. ]ournal o/ Rrsonality and Social Psychology, 61, 811-828. MORNS,A. M., WILLIAMS,J. M., ATWATER,A. E., & WILMORE,J. H. (1982) A e and sex differences in motor performance of 3 through 6 year old chJdren. ~esearcfQuarterly for Exercise and Sport, 53, 214-221. NAISBITT,J. (1982) Megah-ends: ten new directions transforming our lives. New York: Warner. NAISBITT,J., & ABUROENE, I? (1990) Megatrends 2000. New York: William Morrow. PAYNE,V. G., & ISAACS, L. D. (1991) Human motor development: a lifespan approach. (2nd ed.) Mountain View, CA: Mayfield. PITCHER,E. G., & SCI-~ULTZ, L. H . (1983) BOYSand girls at play: the development of sex roles. South Hadley, MA: PraegerIBergin & Garvey. SEDNEY,M. A. (1987) Development of andmgyny: parental influences. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 11, 311-326. SEEFELDT,V. (1980) Developmental motor patterns: implications for elementary school physical education. In C. H. Nadeau, W. R. Halliwell, K. M. Newell, & G. C. Roberts (Eds.), Psychology of motor behavior and sport-1979. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Pp. 314-323. SHAPIRO, L. (1990, May 28) Guns and dolls. Newsweek, 115(22), 56-65. K. E. (1985) Gender differences across age in motor performance: THOMAS, J. R., & FRENCH, a meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 98, 260-282. THOMAS, J. R., & FRENCH,K. E. (1987) References for motor tasks-gender differences across age in motor performance: a meta-analysis. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 64, 503-506. TREBILCOT, J. (1977) Two forms of androgynism. In M. Vetterling-Braggin, F. A. Elliston, & J. English (Eds.), Feminism and philosophy. Totowa, N J : Littlefield, Adams. Pp. 70-78. W ~ I I ~B.G B., , & EDWARDS,C. P (1988) Children of dzfferent worlds. Cambridge, M A : Harvard Univer. Press. WITKIN, H . A . , & GOODENOUGH, D. R. (1981) Cognitive styles: essence and origins. New York: International Universities Press.
Accepted September 14, 1992.
CHILDREN'S GENDER-TYPED PERCEPTIONS OF PHYSICAL ACTIVITY: CONSEQUENCES A N D IMPLICATIONS ' BARBARA J. MEAD
The UniuersiQ of Tennessee
ARLENE A. IGNICO
Ball State Universi~
Summary.-This paper provides an expanded discussion of issues raised in our 1990 experimental study, with particular focus upon the differential cognitive, affective, and psychomotor consequences to girls and boys of gender-typed, sex-segregated play. Evidence is provided that, as agents of sociahzation, teachers and schools can enlist practices and structure to foster cross-sex interaction and behavior. Nonstereotypical play is advocated so that each sex can enjoy the benefits typically accruing only to the opposite; correspondingly, and in light of a society not yet gender-aschernatic, psychological androgyny is invoked as the developmental ideal.
I n a study of the extent ro which children in grades one to four genderlabel physical activities, we employed the 24-item Physical Activity Stereotyping Index (Ignico, 1989) to test 224 girls and 196 boys in two matched elementary schools from different regions of the country (Ignico & Mead, 1990). The children's version of the Index displays silhouettes of individuals with sex-neutral body forms engaging in different physical activities, and subjects select one of five response choices in Likert format in judging the extent to which the activity is more for boys, for girls, or for both equally. I n that study we obtained more stereotypical responses from boys than from girls, and at each grade more from children in the southeast than from those in the midwest. Although in both regions children scored similarly across grades, the midwestern second grade responded less stereotypically than did the other three midwestern grades. This was explained by reference to the deliberate efforts of the classroom teacher to structure a gender-free environment and to encourage cross-sex work and play groups. We suggested that such efforts seem desirable on the part of both parents and teachers since differential benefits in the cognitive, affective, and psychomotor domains appear to derive from the gender-typed physical activity perceptions and sex-segregated play patterns of girls and boys. I t appears useful now to set forth a more complete elaboration of these differential consequences than was appropriate within the parameters of that experimental study. I n addition, here we provide evidence that particular agents of socialization can foster cross-sex interaction and behavior and suggest that play which transcends that which is gender-stereotyped allows each sex to develop in ways normally only characteristic of the other. The result-
'Send correspondence to Dr. Barbara J. Mead, Department of Human Performance and Sport Studies, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN 37996-2700.
1036
B. J. MEAD & A . A. IGNICO
ing psychological and behavioral androgyny would appear pragmatic and a logical transition toward the gender-aschematic society that Bem (1984) envisions as ideal. SAME-SEXPLAY I t is well established that children prefer to play in same-sex, as opposed to cross-sex, groups (e.g., Maccoby & Jacklin, 1987; Pitcher & Schultz, 1983; Whiting & Edwards, 1988). Same-sex playmate preference is reportedly established by age three in girls and by age four in boys (Pitcher & Schultz, 1983). Furthermore, this preference has been observed cross-culturally (Whiting & Edwards, 1988) and is known to increase with age and to be maintained through middle childhood (Maccoby, 1988). Maccoby and J a c b n (1987) discuss a number of factors which might account for this behavioral phenomenon, including the distinctive toy and activity preferences and play styles of the sexes. Although they conclude that a combination of factors produce sex-segregated social behavior, they suggest that gender-labeling (i.e., labeling oneself and others as a girl or boy) is of primary importance. I n a subsequent paper, Maccoby (1988) considers explanations that are biologically based, those stemming from socialization by adults, and the gender cognitions of children themselves. As in the former paper, she attributes greatest significance to the child's gender identity, while also attaching importance to the socialization process and acknowledging the possibility of biological influence. COGNITIVE CONSEQUENCES Concerns associated with sex-segregated, gender-stereotypical play relate to the differential nature and affects of "boys' lay" versus "girls' play" and whether or not there are subsequent adulthood consequences. Emmott (1985) has suggested that the adolescent sex difference in the cognitive style dimension of field dependencelindependence may be attributable to the socially conditioned ways in which girls and boys play. In particular, she has noted the opportunity for visuospatlal skill learning, with its possible linkage to the development of field-independence, that accrues to boys from their more complex, active, ball play. While Witkin and Goodenough (1981) have pointed out that there is no inherent "good" or "bad" in the two cognitive styles, the different styles tend to predispose individuals toward preferences and success in different educational and occupational fields. According to research cited by Ernmott (1985), individuals who are field-independent outperform those who are field-dependent in mathematics, statistics, and physics; thus, in terms of both academic performance and career opportunities, field-dependent people (most often females) are disadvantaged when such knowledge/skills are needed. AFFECTIVECONSEQUENCES Gender-typed physical activity perceptions and play patterns also have
CHILDREN'S GENDER-TYPED PERCEPTIONS
1037
consequences for affective learning, i.e., development of values, attitudes, and feelings about oneself and others, along with the enabling social skiUs for effective work and play interactions. I n two frequently cited articles (1776, 1778), sociologist Janet Lever reported a number of differences in the play of boys and girls which she speculated would better equip boys for successful roles in the work setting outside the home; in particular, for effective functioning within organizational structures (Lever, 1978). Among her research findings, Lever (1976, 1978) reported that relative to girls, boys (a) receive more "independence training" through their greater tendency to play outdoors, farther from home, (b) play in larger groups thereby allowing more practice of interpersonal skills, (c) play in more "ageheterogeneous" groups which requires greater adaptability, (d) engage in more competitive activities with clearly defined goals and explicit rules to which they must conform, (e) engage in play activities for longer periods of time in part because they become adept at conflict resolution, and (I) play in more complex activities so, among other outcomes, they experience greater "player interdependence" and "role differentiation." Girls' play, by contrast, has more restricted bodily movement, tends to be more cooperative, is comprised of a very small number of players, is loosely structured with few if any rules, and often involves turn-taking rather than interdependence. By its nature, girls' play fosters the development of "delicate socio-emotional slulls" and skills of nurturance, sensitivity, and selfexpression (Lever, 1976). A similar list of sex-differentiated play characteristics, based upon the work of Lever (1776) and a number of other researchers, has been provided by Maccoby and Jacklin (1787). According to Lever (1976, 1978), it is reasonable to postulate that this differential socialization of girls and boys will equip them for different adult roles. She suggests that males may be particularly advantaged in terms of work in organizations with "structural features" in common with the complex games they played as boys. However, if we are to believe the predictions of trend forecasters Naisbitt and Aburdene in their book, Megatvends 2000 (1990), the decade of the '90s will find women in the business leadershp roles. I n fact, these authors state, "To be a leader in business today, it is no longer an advantage to have been socialized as a male" (p. 217). In his forecast for the '80s, Naisbitt (1982) predicted a trend from "hierarchies to networking." Since boys' play is characterized by hierarchical arrangements (Maccoby & Jacklin, 1987), perhaps this aspect of play socialization should no longer be considered advantageous. Also, in their latest work, Naisbitt and Aburdene (1970) forecast that a cooperative leadership model (a characteristic of the play of girls) rather than an authoritarian management model (characteristic of the dominance issues and hierarchical system of boys' play) will prevail in the 1990s. The authors provide evidence that this trend is already manifest.
1038
B. J. MEAD & A. A . IGNICO
PSYCHOMOTOR CONSEQUENCES For those interested in psychomotor development, gender-typed physical activity perceptions and preferences have been a persistent concern. Motor developmentalists have generally reported (a) few (Morris, Williams, Atwater, & Wilmore, 1982) or no (Beitel & Mead, 1980) sex differences in motor performance among preschool-age children, (b) on most skills small differences in favor of boys during childhood, and (c) plateau or regression on the part of midadolescent girls while boys continue the age-related improvement formerly characteristic of both sexes (Eckert, 1987; Haywood, 1986; Thomas & French, 1985, 1987). The most common and persuasive explanation for the motor performance sex differences found in childhood and magnified in adolescence is conformance by both sexes to stereotypical gender-role prescriptions transmitted through the socialization process (Greendorfer, 1980; Haywood, 1986; Payne & Isaacs, 1991; Thomas & French, 1985, 1987). In addition, Eccles, Jacobs, and Harold (1990) speak of the self-fulfilling prophecy phenomenon whereby children's self-perceptions tend to align with the stereotypically gender-biased competency notions of their parents. These self-perceptions then become a self-fulfilling prophecy as children engage in and practice those activities in which they expect to d o well and avoid those in which they have little or no confidence in themselves. Investigations by these researchers provide evidence of the contribution of the self-fulfilling prophecy to gender differences in mathematics and sports performance. The stereotypically sex-differentiated play of childhood works to the psychomotor disadvantage of girls, since their play, with its more restricted bodily movement and emphasis upon turn-taking activities rather than interactive sports (Lever, 1976), does little to develop the fundamental motor skills. When children, typically girls, do not master the fundamental skills, they are confronted by a "proficiency barrier" which precludes successful progression to advanced sport activities (Seefeldt, 1980). Sport scientists are beginning to accumulate evidence that, indeed, motor experience is a more cogent explanation for observed sex differences than are inherent biological differences. For example, in studies with elementary school children, Kuhlman and Beitel reported that sex differences favoring boys on the Bassin timer, a task of anticipation of coincidence, were negated by previous open-task sport experiences (1989) and also by videogame experience (1791). With a more "real-world" task, dribblinglkicking a soccer ball, Beitel and Kuhlman (1992) similarly found on initial performance that the effects of sex were negated by subjects' previous in-depth open-task sport experience. In summary, relative to the cognitive domain, we have observed that boys' play is conducive to the development of visuospatial skills (a component of coincidence anticipation) and field-independence (an attribute asso-
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ciated with mathematical skills, and not inconsequentially, with success in meeting the demands of team sports). I n the affective domain, we have noted several interpersonal skills resulting from boys' play which have been associated with success in both play and work endeavors. While the skills apparently stiU have merit, the predictions of Naisbitt and Aburdene (1990) suggest that reinterpretation may be in order as these social skills relate to corporate leadership positions. And finally, evidence regarding psychomotor development indicates the clear advantage of boys' play. Stereotypical girls' play simply does not foster development of the broad range of fundamental motor skills; girls so restricted cannot proceed to acquire more advanced sport skills.
IMPLICATIONS FOR CHANGE Although the participation of elementary-school-age girls in team sports has increased over the last two decades since Title I X of the Education Amendments Act of 1972, most observers, including those who write for our popular literature (Shapiro, 1990), d o not note the dramatic changes occasionally reported (Diagnostic Research, Inc., 1988) and continue to search, as d o the scientists (e.g., Maccoby & Jacklin, 1987), for answers as to what drives the sex difference in play behavior. However, many sociologists and developmentalists believe that the socialization of children by parents, teachers, and peers is likely the most powerful force contributing to stereotypic gender-role formation and its many manifestations. As suggested in our previous paper (Ignico & Mead. 1990), parents and teachers must find ways to foster equal status cross-sex interaction and behavior so both sexes realize the benefits normally accruing only to the opposite sex. Evidence suggests that teachers and schooling can make a difference. Researchers who have compared "traditional" and "open" or "progressive" schools report that there are more child-to-child interactions and more crosssex interactions in the nontraditional schools. I n these schools, teachers typically attempt to avoid sexist practices such as having girls and boys form separate lines, play in sex-segregated groups, and work at different tables (Berk & Lewis, 1977; Bianchi & Bakeman, 1978). However, Lockheed and Klein (1985) caution teachers to take care in structuring mixed-sex work groups so that boys and girls have equal status. Otherwise, stereotypes may be confirmed, in large part by male dominance, and girls in particular will find mixed-sex group work increasingly aversive (Lockheed & Harris, 1984). A study by DiLeo, Moely, and Sulzer (1979) showed that within a school setting adults can structure filmed observational learning events for young children where same-sex peer models, responding in counternormative ways, can affect imitation of toy preferences. Further, there was some generalization of observational learning to toy play and to game and occupational choices.
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Several authors offer insight and suggestions for how leaders and educators involved in sport and physical education can create equity and counteract gender-typed notions and behaviors. Theoretical articles on the issue have been written by Bray (1988) in which she analyses sport from a socialist feminist perspective, and by Knoppers (1988) in which different models for achieving sex equity are reviewed. Geadelmann (1985) discusses equity in physical education and athletics and presents strategies for change such as dirole rectly confronting stereotypes and sexism and providing non~tereot~pical models. Both Greendorfer (1980) and Lever (1776) present research on the topic and recommend a broadening of the physical education program beyond the typical competitive sport emphasis.
CONCLUSION If children are ever to be freed from the constraints of narrowly defined gender-role prescriptions, it would appear necessary for agents and institutions of socialization not only to adopt the foregoing strategies, but also to embrace the notion of psychological androgyny. Since the early 1970s when psychologist Sandra Bem provided an instrument to measure masculinity, femininity, and androgyny (Bem, 1974), interest in androgynism has continued and has had many advocates (e.g., Duquin, 1978; Ferguson, 1977; Havighurst, 1983; Pitcher & Schultz, 1983; Trebilcot, 1777), although it has not been without its detractors (e.g., Elshtain, 1981). There is continuing research on the topic (e.g., Alpert-Gillis & Connell, 1989; Hemmer & Kleiber, 1981; Hendrix &Johnson, 1985; Sedney, 1987) as well as the formulation and testing of new theoretical constructs (Bem, 1984; Marsh & Byrne, 1991). We agree with Bem (1984) that, rather than androgyny, the goal of sodety ought to be the elimination of gender schema as a way of organizing our perceptions and our social world. Her c d for a gender-aschematic society is well reasoned but holds no promise for fulfillment in any future we can realistically envision. I t likely also carries with it more political baggage than does her original advocacy of androgyny. As a rational compromise and transition then to Bem's brave new world, and in keeping with the self-evident conclusions from this review, we propose that our strivings be toward the more modest vision of developing and becoming androgynous beings. I n so doing we are advocating the development of cross-gender traits to provide psychological and behavioral flexibility. If the androgynous model of human development were to prevail, we might then find children engaged in cross-sex physical activity where the positive attributes of the play of each sex become incorporated into the personalities and behaviors of both sexes, and negative characteristics are mitigated by the counterbalance. -
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Accepted September 14, 1992.
