Community resilience factors among indigenous Sámi adolescents: a qualitative study in Northern Norway.

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Community resilience factors among indigenous Sámi adolescents: A qualitative study in Northern Norway Kristine Nystad, Anna Rita Spein and Benedicte Ingstad Transcultural Psychiatry 2014 51: 651 originally published online 20 May 2014 DOI: 10.1177/1363461514532511 The online version of this article can be found at: http://tps.sagepub.com/content/51/5/651

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Article

Community resilience factors among indigenous Sa´mi adolescents: A qualitative study in Northern Norway Kristine Nystad Sa´mi University College

Anna Rita Spein Centre for Sa´mi Health Research, The Arctic University of Norway

Benedicte Ingstad University of Oslo

Abstract This qualitative study explores community resilience factors within an indigenous Sa´mi community in Northern Norway. Semistructured interviews were conducted with 22 informants, 12 females and 10 males, ranging in age from 13 to 19 years old, 12 of whom had reindeer husbandry affiliation. Data analysis used a modified grounded theory approach and narrative analysis. Interpretation of the data was based on ecological perspectives theory and the identification of possible community resilience factors including Sa´mi language competence, use of recreational and natural resources, and traditional ecological knowledge, such as reindeer husbandry related activities. These cultural factors appear to strengthen adolescents’ ethnic identity and pride, which in turn act as potential resilience mechanisms. Land was a significant arena for traditional practices and recreation. The majority of the youth reported support from relationships with extended godparents (fa´ddarat) and extended family (sohka) networks. The fa´ttar network was particularly strong among adolescents with reindeer husbandry affiliations. Native language competence and reindeer husbandry were key components in adolescent social networks. Interconnectedness among the community members and with the environment seemed to promote resilience and well-being. Two factors that excluded adolescents from full community membership and participation were being a nonnative Sa´mi language speaker and the absence of extended Sa´mi family networks.

Corresponding author: Kristine Nystad, Sa´mi University College, Department of Duodji and livelihood, Hannoluohkka 45, Kautkeino, 9520, Norway. Email: [email protected]

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Transcultural Psychiatry 51(5)

Keywords adolescents, arctic, indigenous, qualitative, resilience, Sa´mi

Introduction There is limited research on resilience factors among indigenous Sa´mi youth. The majority of studies have used data from two major quantitative surveys, The North Norwegian Youth Study (NNYS) and The Norwegian Arctic: Adolescents Health Study (NAAHS). These publications have mainly focused on health risk behaviors such as emotional and behavioral problems, internalizing symptoms, suicidal behavior, and substance use (e.g., Silviken, 2009; Spein, 2008). However, some studies have also focused on the relationship to ethnocultural factors and have identified protective cultural factors among Sa´mi adolescents (e.g., Bals, Turi, Vitterø, Skre, & Kvernmo, 2010; Kvernmo & Heyerdahl, 2003; Spein, Sexton, & Kvernmo, 2007; Turi, Bals, Skre, & Kvernmo, 2009). For example, native language competence and cultural practices have been identified as possible resilience factors for mental health indicated by increased self-efficacy (Bals, Turi, Skre, & Kvernmo, 2011). Religion and, in particular, affiliation to Laestadianism, called the “Sa´mi Christianity” due to its strong cultural influence on Sa´mi culture and lifestyle, emerged as an important protective factor associated with less frequent drinking and intoxication, and more abstinence among Sa´mi youth (Spein, Melhus, Kristiansen, & Kvernmo, 2011). Sa´mi adolescents living within ethnically and culturally supportive communities had lower problem scores (Kvernmo & Heyerdahl, 1998). Suicidal thoughts have been associated with poorer self-reported health among Sa´mi youth (Spein et al., 2013). Overall, suicidal behaviors seemed to be less severe and less frequent among Sa´mi youth when compared to their peers among other arctic indigenous peoples (Lehti, Niemela¨, Hoven, Mandell, & Sourander, 2009). This may be due to the generally better socioeconomic situation found in Norway, as well as to culturally protective factors such as religion (spirituality) and traditional child-rearing practices (Fleming & Ledogar, 2008; Silviken & Kvernmo, 2007; Spein, 2008; Spein et al., 2011). The social and cultural dimensions of resilience in indigenous communities have recently received research attention (Kirmayer, Sehdev, Whitley, Dandeneau, & Isaac, 2009). Existing literature on Sa´mi youth often views “resilience” as a proxy for protective factors on the individual and sometimes the family level (Omma, Holmgren, & Jacobsson, 2011). The concept of community resilience is potentially consistent with perspectives of indigenous people through its focus on collective strengths (Kirmayer, Dandeneau, Marshall, Phillips, & Williamson, 2011; Kirmayer et al., 2009). Fugelli and Ingstad (2009) suggest that personal characteristics should not be considered as isolated phenomena, but seen in


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the context of national or cultural values. This shift in focus from individual to collective strengths is particularly relevant to indigenous communities. Healey (2006, p. 10) provides a useful definition of cultural resilience as “the capacity of a distinct community or cultural system to absorb disturbance and reorganize while undergoing change.” For example, Sa´mi communities confront past colonization history and assimilation. However, they also possess an indigenous identity and sense of well-being that is defined and maintained by solidarity not only with each other, but also with their natural environment. Relational resilience refers to the extent and nature of linkages between people and the instrumental and emotional support they give to each other (Kirmayer et al., 2009; Kral & Salusky, 2014). This process, built within tight social structures with norms of reciprocity, may be described as relational resilience. It seems to play a significant role in Sa´mi communities. Networks not only provide material resources, but network members also assist with problem solving and support in times of special need. Youth who are embedded in networks tend to be supported and most likely return this support (Plickert, Coˆte´, & Wellman, 2007). Ungar (2011) defines resilience as a process that is based upon an individual’s capacity to access the resources they need to sustain well-being. This points to the importance of the capacity of the community to provide meaningful resources to adolescents. Enculturation is the degree to which a person is embedded in his/her culture. In this setting, adolescent enculturation is most prominently facilitated through traditional cultural practices and native language competency. Recent quantitative research further supports the potential, protective effects of cultural factors at the community level. A strong Sa´mi identity, as measured by Phinney’s Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Scale (MEIM; Phinney, 1992), was associated with less binge drinking among Sa´mi adolescents, while smoking and drinking were more common among assimilated than traditional Sa´mi youth (Spein et al., 2007). Similarly, a mixed-methods study of 876 Swedish Sa´mi, aged 18 to 28 years, indicated that well-being was influenced by strong feelings of belonging to the Sa´mi culture, family context (in particular involvement in traditional reindeer husbandry), and extended family and friends. Youth also indicated concern about contemporary threats to the continuation of reindeer herding (Omma et al., 2011). Identity development is a central process during adolescence (Erikson, 1971). Identity is often described as a matter of self-definition, as in endorsing statements like “I am Sa´mi” or “I view myself as a Sa´mi”—conceptualizations that were used in, for example, the NNYS and NAAHS. Generally, a strong ethnic identity has been associated with higher self-esteem (Phinney & Chavira, 1992). Strong ethnic identification can facilitate positive self-conception and enhance responses to acculturative stress; along with other forms of traditional knowledge. Identifying with pride as a member of an ethnocultural group can also be important and even central to positive adjustment, especially when the youth is faced with prejudice, stereotyping, stigmatization, and discrimination (Bals et al., 2010; Hansen, Melhus, Høgmo, & Lund, 2008; Yasui, LaRuie Dorham, & Dishion, 2004).


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Among all Sa´mi youth in Norway, those residing in the Sa´mi administrative areas reported the strongest Sa´mi ethnic identity, as well as a strong Sa´mi-Norwegian multicultural identity (Kvernmo & Heyerdahl, 1996). However Sa´mi language competence had a stronger influence on identity than geographical context for young Sa´mi (Kvernmo, Johansen, Spein, & Silviken, 2003). Together, this suggests the importance of community-level factors in facilitating identity among Sa´mi youth. In addition to ethnic recognition due to physical appearance, other factors that may contribute to resilience include: community resources, support, and native language competence; traditional ecological knowledge (reindeer herding in particular), close involvement with nature (in recreational activities and use of natural resources); and social networks within the siida and extended family (such as fa´ttar networks, gaíbmi [naming relationships]), and personal yoik. The yoik is a traditional form of song which reflects and promotes Sa´mi culture (Jernsletten, 1978). Although personal, the yoik has a wider social function in that it reinforces family connections through the sharing of events and memories. The practice of yoiking also contributes to the building and maintaining of Sa´mi cultural identity. The current study seeks to provide a description of how these factors function in the lives of young Sa´mi through early and late adolescence. We used a qualitative, discovery-based approach to identify possible community resilience factors that may help youth in a Sa´mi community during early and late adolescence. We explored events and resources that Sa´mi youth identify as helpful. The study also investigated how adolescents navigate and negotiate community resilience resources on their way to adulthood. As with other indigenous youth living in Arctic communities, the Sa´mi have undergone, and are continuing to undergo, dramatic economic, social, health, cultural, political, and ecological changes, and as a result, face numerous social problems (Bjerregaard, 2001; Bjerregaard & Lynge, 2006; Kettl & Bixler, 1991; Kral & Idlout, 2009; Kral, Idlout, Minore, Dyck, & Kirmayer, 2011; Kraus, 1974; Silviken, 2009; Wexler, 2006). Youth potentially provide both a barometer of broader social issues faced by their society as a whole, as well as sources of innovation and improvisation, as they define new pathways to health and well-being in adulthood.

Methods Context and setting The study took place in a northern Norwegian community, in which approximately 10% of the total municipality of about 3,000 people was between 13 and 19 years old by January 2011 (Statistics Norway, 2014). The vast majority (80–90%) are Sa´mi or have Sa´mi as their first language. The Sa´mi culture and language are officially recognized by the Norwegian government. The Sa´mi in Norway are formally recognized as an indigenous people. The community is part of the Sa´mi administrative area, where the intent is to enable the Sa´mi people to safeguard and develop their language and culture. The Sa´mi language is used in daily life and


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is one of the two official languages in the community. Sa´mi language is mainly used within the educational system, from kindergarten to university level. Present-day Sa´mi youth have benefited from political changes and increased awareness of indigenous Sa´mi rights that emerged in the early 1980s. This recognition of Sa´mi rights has contributed to the establishment of several Sa´mi institutions, such as the Sa´mi Parliament and Sa´mi University College in 1989. The purpose of the latter is to promote Sa´mi as a language of instruction, administration, and research. This increased formal use of the language has resulted in an upsurge of ethnic pride and awareness amongst Sa´mi people. Nonetheless, the earlier official Norwegian assimilation policies have resulted in a loss of language competency and cultural continuity for many Sa´mi. The community is surrounded primarily by tundra and large open spaces, including rivers, marshes, lakes, mountains, and birch forests and has about 90,000 reindeer. About half of the municipality’s inhabitants belong to a siida, which is “a group of reindeer owners that practice reindeer husbandry jointly in certain areas” (Sara, 2011, p. 138). Reindeer herding has a long history and is rooted in ecological knowledge. Reindeer herding has gone through great changes, but is of particular importance. Physical work has become easier due to snowmobiles, which were introduced in the 1960s. Today, many herders and their families experience work-related stress due to new challenges such as internal and external conflicts or pressure, development of grazing land, and predator problems (Kaiser, 2011; Silviken, 2011). Both reindeer herders and da´lonat (nonnomadic residents) survived historically on natural resources. Cooperation between the two groups was based on mutual dependence in what is termed the verdderelationship, a mutually beneficial Sa´mi traditional exchange system of services and goods between reindeer herding families and nonnomadic residents. Today, traditional practices are allied to modern technology, such as the snowmobile and fourwheel drive vehicles. Children and adolescents continue to be extensively involved in family-based reindeer-related activities and work. The population has a historical connection to both the place and the land and most people are related to each other through the siida system and intermarriages. Modern institutions, such as the Sa´mi University College, have also contributed to a relatively high level of education among the residents. The percentage of the population 16 years of age and older in October 2012 who had completed an undergraduate degree, was 22.0%, almost equivalent to the national average of 22.1% (Statistics Norway, 2014). The community, therefore, not only has a strong grounding in traditional Sa´mi culture, but is also influenced by Western modernity. Sa´mi language preservation and development as well as reindeer herding husbandry are two key factors of cultural continuity in the community.

Participants Participants included 22 youth aged 13 to 19, (12 females and 10 males); 15 (10 female) were younger adolescents, and seven (two female) were older adolescents.


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All were self-identified as Sa´mi and 12 (six in each of the age subgroups) had reindeer husbandry affiliation.

Procedure The study is part of the larger Indigenous Circumpolar Pathways to Adulthood, an international study conducted in five circumpolar sites in Canada, USA, and Russia (Ulturgasheva et al., 2011). Prior to the process of development of the cross-site life history interview protocol, a local steering committee (LSC) was established in the community to provide local direction for the project. The LSC included nine people; 2 adolescents, 1 local leader/politician, 1 school nurse, 1 teacher, 1 elder, and the 3 coauthors. An international workshop was organized and representatives from each of the five LSCs in this community-based participatory study attended to identify shared research questions and data collection strategies used in this circumpolar study. The cross-site semistructured interview protocol is described in more detail elsewhere (Ulturgasheva et al., 2011). To briefly summarize, it included questions about how youth spent their time, challenges they faced and how they handled them, school, culture, family and their future plans. The LSC in the study community identified additional cultural specific elements relevant to a Sa´mi context such as the relationship to nature and informal social networks. These social networks included fa´tta´r and gaíbmi systems. The fa´ttar network is the group of sponsors/godparents based on the Christian sacrament of baptism and is translated as an extended godparents’ network. A gaíbmi is a namesake. An adult who chooses a name for a child enters into a close relationship with that child, which lasts for life. The practice of gaíbmi (naming) is a form of social control that creates strong ties between older and younger Sa´mi and therefore strengthens the transmission of Sa´mi values and culture. The interviews were open-ended which gave the opportunity to address additional topics and allowed the participants to construct answers in ways they found meaningful and that provided narrative opportunities (Riessman, 2008). The majority of the interviews (n ¼ 17) were conducted in Sa´mi. Five were conducted in Norwegian because two informants had Norwegian as their first language, and an additional three were Norwegian-dominant bilingual. Each participant also constructed a lifetimeline on which important events were marked. The study received prior approval from the Norwegian Regional Committees for Medical and Health Research Ethics. Brochures and letters concerning the study were distributed to recruit students, parents, and collaborating schools by the first author. Both verbal and written information was given to students in eight, ninth, and tenth grade as well as to students in upper secondary education (high school) by the first author, for a total of 180 students. The first 22 students who signed up for the project were included, 21 of whom were attending school. For those who volunteered to participate and were younger than 16 years old (the age of consent in Norway), informed consent was obtained from parents or guardians. All interviews were conducted by the first author during March–November 2010


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and took place in the schools during school time. Interviews were conducted over two sessions and each session lasted between 30 and 60 minutes. Interviews were recorded and transcribed by the first author. All identifying information was removed to ensure anonymity and the interviews were translated into English by a translator with cross-cultural competence in Sa´mi culture and reindeer husbandry. Translation of the Norwegian transcripts into English was done by two other translators. Three separate approaches were used to analyze the interview narratives: (a) modified grounded theory coding (Charmaz, 2006); (b) narrative analysis; and (c) analysis guided by theory (as described in Allen et al., 2014).

Data analysis A local codebook, with over 50 codes, was constructed in collaboration with the local steering committee and the international research team. The transcripts were uploaded into Atlas.ti (Version 6.2) software and coded by the first author. Initial open coding was followed by axial and selective coding to identify themes that included challenges and possible resilience strategies, including potential community resilience factors. In accord with more recent treatments of grounded theory, close textual analysis was guided by certain constructs from the literature identified as sensitizing concepts (Bowen, 2006). These concepts provide initial ideas from which particular topics were pursued (Charmaz, 2006, p. 16). The three coding categories of language, traditional knowledge, and reindeer husbandry appeared with high frequency in the analysis. In addition to the modified grounded theory analysis where segments of data were named in concise terms (Charmaz, 2006), thematic narrative analysis was used. Here the focus was on the content within cases rather than on themes across cases (Riessman, 2008). Narratives described how youth were supported in the challenges they had faced. Narrative analysis provided a case-centered interpretation of the data (Riessman, 2008). Theory on ecological perspectives and community resilience (as described in Allen et al., 2014), along with existing knowledge of protective health factors among young Sa´mi, guided interpretation of the findings. The first author is a Sa´mi; Sa´mi is her mother tongue and she was raised in the community. This proved beneficial in identifying themes and their interpretation. However, while the close relationship of the interviewer to community members allowed richer data collection, it may also have been a limitation for some interviewees by affecting their comfort level in revealing sensitive information.

Results Native language competence and ethnic pride as possible resilience factors The participants were highly aware of the importance of the Sa´mi language, although their competence in Sa´mi varied. This can be seen from the following


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answers to the question, “What does the Sa´mi language mean to you?” One older adolescent male said: It means a lot to me as well. A lot of words are disappearing from the Sa´mi language. Young people mix in Norwegian and English words. I try to speak Sa´mi language without mixing in Norwegian and English words.

An older adolescent female participant remarked that the language is specialized and contains much cultural knowledge: The Sa´mi language is very important for our culture as well as for our traditions. I do not think that the Norwegian language would work as well as the Sa´mi language within reindeer husbandry, for example. For instance, we have words in Sa´mi that describe the exact color of a reindeer. If we were to describe a certain color of a reindeer in Norwegian we would have to use a lot more words in order to say the same thing as we can say with a single word in Sa´mi.

Two older adolescent male participants had not reflected seriously on their use of the Sa´mi language. To them it simply was “normal.” When he was asked what the Sa´mi language meant to him, another informant responded: “Nothing in particular.” This may indicate that the native language was taken for granted by some of the participants; this also might reflect the fact that the Sa´mi language is the predominant or majority language in the community. There appeared to be a high level of ethnic pride among the participants. None of them hid their Sa´mi identity or the fact that they were bilingual. All participants in this study considered themselves Sa´mi regardless of their level of Sa´mi language competence. As an older adolescent female put it: “If anyone has any problems with my Sa´mi identity then it is that person’s problem.” Most of the participants stated that others know they are Sa´mi because of their Sa´mi language, but also because of their Norwegian dialect. The two respondents who did not speak Sa´mi also reported a high level of ethnic pride. However, some youths did not feel accepted as Sa´mi due to their poor Sa´mi language skills, or due to their multiethnic background (n ¼ 4). In response to the question, “Does the fact that you are not Sa´mi have anything to do with your being bullied?” one younger adolescent female answered: Actually, I have heard many times that I am not Sa´mi even though I live here. You don’t need to speak Sa´mi to be Sa´mi. You must know a little. Most of the people here can’t speak the Sa´mi language fluently; they have problems with words.


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To the question, “Are you, in a way, not accepted as Sa´mi because you don’t speak Sa´mi? Have you felt that?,” one younger adolescent female responded: Not really. I get annoyed when people say that I am not Sa´mi. I have a Sa´mi family, and I can actually speak Sa´mi. I live in this community and I have my Sa´mi outfit (ga´kti). I feel like a Sa´mi. Who says that I cannot be a Sa´mi?

In short, Sa´mi language competence provides a sense of belonging and is needed for full membership in the community. This can make it difficult for young people who are not fluent in Sa´mi.1 As one younger adolescent female expressed it: People in class speak Sa´mi when they tell me something and then I mostly don’t understand what they are saying. Interviewer: Do you feel a little outside? Yes, it is difficult . . . [with a sad voice].

Native language is a significant identity factor or marker for Sa´mi culture, particularly since most Sa´mi adolescents are not easily distinguished from their mainstream ethnic Norwegian peers by physical appearance. One older adolescent male said he might be identified as Sa´mi based on his skills related to traditional naturebased activities. One young male said others might identify him by the way he moves, by “the way I walk.”

Land use and traditional ecological knowledge In this section we examine how young people related to the natural environment and how this relationship strengthened their sense of well-being. Community resilience conveyed a sense of belonging which was reinforced by mastering the indigenous language, maintaining continuity of ecological knowledge within reindeer husbandry, and the ability to combine traditional ways of living with a modern western lifestyle. Traditional ecological knowledge is defined by Berkes (1999/2008, p. 7) as “a cumulative body of knowledge, practices and beliefs, evolving by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment.” Traditional ecological knowledge has been essential for Sa´mi survival. Table 1 presents youth activities related to nature. For young people affiliated with reindeer husbandry, the use of nature is primarily work-related. This includes intense working periods occurring 2–3 times a year when the reindeer are herded in and separated, slaughtered, and labeled (the calves are marked). In contrast, youth without a reindeer husbandry background use nature primarily as an arena for


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Table 1. Youth activities related to nature (N ¼ 22). Reindeer husbandry background.

Activities related to reindeer herding Work when reindeer are in the corral In herd Being in the siida To be by the herd and access reindeer (Geahcˇaditbohccuid) Veal labeling Recreation Hiking in nature Snowmobile trips Swimming Shooting photos Thinking Recreation Feeling of freedom Quietude Use of natural resources Hunting Woodcutting Cloudberry picking

Yes (n ¼ 12)

No (n ¼ 10)

1 8 1 1

– – – –

1

–

– – – – 1 1 4 –

4 3 1 1 2 1 4 2

2 1 1

4 – –

recreation. However, both groups used natural resources for activities like hunting and cloudberry picking. Besides activities like reindeer-related work, hunting, and fishing, being on the land provides an opportunity to find peace and to reflect. As an older adolescent male put it: “I am out on the land almost every weekend. Everything is good there. I’m with the herd, but sometimes I go alone to fish. It provides me with an opportunity to think.” A young adolescent female said: “When I’m with the herd I cannot think of anything else, just what is there and then. I have a good feeling inside me when I’m there.” For another older adolescent male the land is also a space of freedom from routine and constraint: I can do whatever I want to do. I can yoik as loud as I want. I can go hunting. I can drive to the reindeer herd and work if needed. There is no stress at all. There are no appointments, no school or obligations. I can sleep when I’m tired and eat when I’m hungry.

School was seen to be a challenge and boring by several participants, in particular among the final-year students, and with subjects like mathematics. One older


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adolescent male stated: “It’s boring to get up to go to school. I’m tired of school. I have been a student for 12 years. On the other hand, it’s easy to get up when I know I’m going to the reindeer herd.” A younger adolescent female felt she was forced to be at school: “It’s like I am forced to be here.” The knowledge that the school provides was seen as irrelevant by those who had no plans for further education. Young people, especially males from reindeer herding families, typically acquire traditional ecological knowledge and skills from their fathers and other male relatives. This traditional education is an essential factor in ensuring that new generations will be able to sustain life as reindeer herders. In Norway, reindeer husbandry is a culture bearer for Sa´mi protected by both national (Reindeer Husbandry Act, 2007) and international laws and conventions related to indigenous rights. Even though both men and women participate, reindeer herding is a predominantly male occupation. One older adolescent female noted: “I know how to slaughter a reindeer and to mark reindeer calves on the ear even though women usually do not master those things. Some people are surprised when I know how to do those things.” There seems to be a shift in who is transmitting traditional ecological knowledge. As a consequence of modernization, women are currently more formally educated than men and more often employed in part-time or full-time work in addition to reindeer husbandry. Females were dominant in the transmission of duodji (Sa´mi handicrafts), since the sewing and making of reindeer shoes has been, and still is, mainly a female activity.

Navigation and negotiation of relational resilience factors Networks strengthen membership in the community and provide a sense of meaningfulness for the child (Sommerschild, 1999). Social networks are important to youth and knowing that support is available is a coping resource and a resilience factor. These networks are necessary for community sustainability. In the following, we discuss the resilience function of siida networks, extended families, and fa´ttar networks. The roles of gaíbmi relationships and of having a personal yoik are also briefly discussed. Traditional social networks are built around siida and extended family. A siida is both a social network of extended family and a work unit. The members call each other siidaguoimmit (siida members). The data analysis showed close relationships between adolescents and adults within a siida. The adolescents, mainly the males with reindeer husbandry affiliation, have strong intergenerational bonds to siida members and work daily in herding. To participate in the work enhances togetherness, belonging, and provides expertise which in turn leads to increased self-worth and resilience. Older adolescent males reported the strongest relationship to siida. They had the opportunity to escape and solve problems by talking to adults: “I can drive (by snowmobile) to the reindeer herd (siida), where there is always someone I can talk to.” The extended family (sohka) is of great importance in this community context. Uncles seemed to be important members of the network and the males seemed to


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have close relationships to their young uncles: “When I’m on the land, I spend time mostly with my four uncles. They are all older than me (they are around 40 years old).” Cousins, aunts, and uncles also provided significant social support for the adolescents. Males with reindeer husbandry affiliation especially reported spending most of their spare time with their cousins. They had common interests in reindeer herding. The adolescent females reported close relationships to their muotta´ (mother’s younger sister). She could be like a girlfriend, but also have a role as a mentor in social settings. One younger adolescent female said: “With an aunt and older cousins you can talk about issues you would not talk about with your mother.” Another younger adolescent female, when asked who was most important for her, responded: “Mother, father, brother, sister, uncles, aunts, grandmother (who on my mother’s side is still alive), cousins on my mother’s side.” Furthermore, the network within extended families is an opportunity for the child to meet peers and adults who share the same cultural norms and values. The youth usually go to wedding and confirmation parties to meet family members and relatives from other areas. For example, one older adolescent female stated she liked weddings: The reason is because then I get to dress up in our traditional regalia and I like to dress nicely with a lot of gold and silver bijouterie. It’s also fun to meet new people that you do when the people that are getting married are from different places.

On these occasions, the girls not only dress up wearing their gold and silver jewelry, but they also help out at these events which solidifies relationships. It is mostly the women and younger females who prepare and serve the food. One older adolescent female stated that this was: “because there is a tradition here that young girls help serve at their relatives’ wedding parties.” These big weddings, with up to 1,000 guests, thus create meeting places for the core/ nuclear family, the extended family, and the whole siida. Those who do not have family or relatives in the community do not have the same opportunities to participate in such events. Furthermore, the obligation to help others, for instance in making wedding arrangements, is reinforced by the confidence that such assistance will be returned. This strengthens the sense of belonging, solidarity, and equality between members of the community. The sense of durable security that a tradition of generalized reciprocity conveys is seen as an important value. Another aspect of community resilience stressed by the participants was the need to be sociable. As one older adolescent female stated, one should be “able to associate with people.” To be pleasant and courteous to others is a cherished value in the community, as is the traditional way to greet each other by shaking hands. Displays of positive engagement between people, the youth and elders in particular, may also help to contribute to the development of a sense of belonging and self-worth amongst individual community members.


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The fa´ttar network The fa´ttar, or extended godparents network, is based on the Christian sacrament of baptism. A similar tradition may have existed in Sa´mi communities prior to the introduction of Christianity. In Sa´mi culture, a person generally has several godparents and these relationships are expected to last throughout one’s lifetime. It is not unusual for a youth to have more than 10 godparents. Nerga˚rd (2011) calls this system a “multi-parent system.” There is also a tradition for sponsors to be active in the care of their sponsored child. Some participants receive very strong support from their godparents in the form of help with practical work and advice, as well as gifts. One older adolescent female reported that godparents were like a second source of help, ready to step in when needed: I know my parents have chosen the correct godparents for me, and if something happened to my parents I know they would do all they could to support me. I can confidently ask them for help and advice at any time. They like to teach me and help me, and I think they are very patient people.

An older adolescent male was very proud of having godparents who gave him an a´ldu, a full-grown female reindeer that was, at the time, already pregnant. A gift like this is recognized as very valuable and special. It is important for a young person to know he will be supported when the work is demanding and this gives him a feeling of security. An older adolescent male explained: “For example, my godfather gives me a hand when I visit another reindeer herd in order to transport home those of our reindeer that have mixed with theirs.” These two examples show how support from the fa´ttar networks is practiced strongly in traditional families. The geographical distance between the youth and their godparents meant that some participants did not have frequent contact or close relationships with their godparents, seeing them only on birthdays or during Christmas. Urbanization increases the distance between the children and their fa´ttar networks and influences how much social support they can receive from these. Modern choices of deciding to have fewer godparents also influence the level of social networks available. One younger adolescent female had only three godparents and they had moved from the community. I just have three godmothers. They meant a lot when I was little but now I’ve lost contact with one of them; she doesn’t have any contact with me. None of them live here in the community; one is in the neighboring municipality and one in Sweden. She’s always happy when I come to visit. I visited them last summer.

The impact of a personal yoik and naming A yoik (Sa´mi: luohti) that is specific and individualized for each person, may be viewed as a way of making the youth confident as well as strengthening his or her


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sense of belonging to the group. A yoik is not merely music. Its functions are much wider than that, including social contact. Nine of the informants, of whom eight had reindeer husbandry affiliation, reported that they had their own personal yoik. The role of the personal yoik was explained by one younger adolescent female as follows: “To have my own luohti means a lot to me. I can in some way find myself in it and my luohti describes how I am.” The Sa´mi system of naming has a long tradition, and when a child is named after her/his grandparent, uncle, aunt, or other relative, a special relationship is created between the child and the adult. One older adolescent female participant reported, “I’m named after my deceased grandmother on my father’s side and my great grandmother on my mother’s side.” Another, older boy stated: “It means a lot! People say that I act like my grandfather and I remember him.”

Parental values in child rearing Traditional Sa´mi parenting highlights the child’s independence, hardiness, and autonomy. Childrearing values self-reliance and self-care abilities and can be seen as Sa´mi characteristics as opposed to feelings of futility, helplessness, and hopelessness (Antonovsky, 1979). Javo, Alapack, Heyerdahl, and Rønning (2003) discuss the role of these values in Sa´mi childrearing and show how the concepts of independence and hardiness relate directly to the preservation of ethnic identity. They further suggest that this is the reason why those traditional values have proven to be so resilient to change. Our data reveal that the strategies that young people are told to cultivate are self-trust, confidence, and perseverance. As one older adolescent male explained: My mother used to say that if you rely on yourself, everything will work out: You have to rely on yourself and you will then succeed in whatever you are doing. In the context of reindeer herding, I have very often seen that your own discernment is important. This spring, during the migration with the reindeer herd to the coast, we had very bad weather. I drove (with snowmobile) for two days and nights without stopping around the herd. It was my turn at night. The fog was bad. I couldn’t see anything.

This young man had to rely on his own resources. Everything went well because he knew the area and he knew where the gorges and big snowdrifts were. Similarly, one older adolescent female who lost her aunt recounted how she went through a period of mourning during which she found the inner resources to sustain herself. She described how she coped as follows: I just decided that whatever happens I’m going to be strong and courageous, because there is no point in giving up. Things will not get better if one gives up, but life goes on and only you yourself can make a difference in times when life is demanding.


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Discussion This is the first qualitative study to examine community resilience factors during early and late adolescence in an indigenous Sa´mi community. We identified a number of possible community resilience resources, including: native language competence; recreational use of nature, traditional ecological knowledge within reindeer husbandry; various community social networks such as the siida and extended family, the fa´ttar network of godparents; traditional naming practices; and having a personal yoik. Our first key finding was that the Sa´mi language was an ethnic marker contributing to a sense of ethnic pride in young people. This resonates with the findings of Bals et al. (2010) who noted that language competence in particular is an important part of ethnic identity with personal as well as relational significance. In a community where the majority speak Sa´mi, language is key to social networking, to being accepted as a community member, and to being seen as indigenous. Nonnative Sa´mi speakers and Norwegian dominant bilingual adolescents often faced the challenges of not being accepted as Sa´mi, and of lack of connection to extended family. Since belonging to an extended family and to social networks are strongly related to native Sa´mi language in the community, the social relationships that bind some people together can easily be used to exclude some community members (Kirmayer et al., 2009; Ungar, 2011). The findings demonstrate that nonnative language speakers struggle to navigate and negotiate community resilience resources. Others, like Hallet, Chandler, and Lalonde (2007), have found that the preservation of indigenous language in First Nations has a strong correlation with lower suicide rates. The second key finding of this study is the importance of the relationship between adolescents and the Arctic tundra. The use of the land for recreation and as a place where one experiences a feeling of freedom is a significant part of community resilience. The land is both an arena for recreation and a kind of therapy. Land-based activities are considered and reported as therapeutic for some youth with mental health problems (A. R. Spein, personal communication September 2, 2010). Among our participants, males affiliated with reindeer husbandry spent time on the land engaged in reindeer herding activities. In contrast to their peers who consider nature’s beauty through the camera lens, for those involved in reindeer herding the land is their natural workplace. Other informants reported a position somewhere between those who spent much of their time on the land and those who used it for recreational purposes. In both cases, nature was seen as an important part of community resilience. The connection to land (fishing, hunting, reindeer herding, and berry picking), to cultural practices like yoik, ceremonies (weddings), and to traditional ecological knowledge, was thought to affect both physical and mental health (Kaplan, 1995). Traditional ecological knowledge and the skills needed for survival on the land were part of the participants’ capacity for self-determination. Traditional knowledge and the determination to transmit this knowledge, strengthened their sense of


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self-worth. This connection may be helpful even for those with a utilitarian stance toward nature. Using the land for recreational purposes may contribute to the development and maintenance of self-efficacy and self-esteem (Kirmayer et al., 2009; Wexler, 2006). The siida is a place not only where one can escape from school obligations but also where youth can meet peers and adults for conversation. At the same time, belonging to reindeer husbandry provided adolescents with strong informal social networks such as the siida as well as support from the extended family, fa´ttar networks, the yoik tradition, trust, and access to natural capital and traditional ecological knowledge and skills. These are examples of possible relational resilience factors. Here, too, self-reliance and independence are fundamental requirements. Self-reliance, in terms of knowledge and skills, helps youth develop and sustain a sense of self-worth and ethnic pride (Sommerschild, 1999). Traditional knowledge is often valued more than formal education (Nystad, 2003). In that sense, the future resilience of the people is based on their ability to combine conflicting values, “to find a balance between Sa´mi culture and mainstream Norwegian culture,” as one early adolescent female informant put it. Finding a balance between two cultures can reduce acculturative stress (Berry, 2005). The third key finding concerns the instrumental role of various informal social networks. Social capital is viewed as a social, environmental, or ecological determinant of health (Mignone & O’Neil, 2005). Informal social networks are mainly based on family connections. Javo et al. (2003, p. 158) state: “All families had extensive contacts with relatives, particularly with grandparents and aunts/uncles and their respective families, living as they did in the neighborhood or nearby.” Data from the North Norwegian Youth Study (NNYS; A. R. Spein, personal communication January 15, 2011) support this qualitative finding as Sa´mi youth generally reported significantly more adult contact than their non-Sa´mi peers. This may reflect the impact of the extended family and siida, far beyond the core family. Our data on naming and personal yoik indicate that these traditional cultural practices still play an important role, especially in reindeer husbandry families, in tying people together and linking youth to their ancestors (Henriksen, 1999; Nerga˚rd, 2011). Both yoik and naming traditions are examples of cultural continuity that are still important, particularly among families affiliated with reindeer husbandry (Balto, 1997; Krumhansl et al., 2000). The role of fa´ttar networks was especially significant for adolescents with reindeer husbandry backgrounds. Both Laestadianism and Christianity have a relatively strong position among Sa´mi adolescents (Spein, 2011). Confirmation and the fa´ttar tradition are part of the religious practices and traditions followed by reindeer herding families. Nerga˚rd (2011) has focused on the relationship between parents and ritual relatives like fa´ddarat (godparents) from a psychological perspective. At its best, in his view, this multiparent system can serve as a psychological net, to support the godchildren emotionally and materially.


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The findings, although related to localized contexts, demonstrate that the adolescents’ ability to navigate and negotiate social networks depends on whether they have an extended family or not in the community. Traditional community resilience resources such as traditional networks are currently challenged by social networking on the Internet and by urbanization. However, the Internet also opens up an opportunity for one to be part of new social networks that extend beyond the local community. Traditional values in Sa´mi childrearing such as self-reliance and perseverance were reported as possible resilience factors among our informants. Independence, in the form of self-reliance and self-care abilities, is considered important and training starts at an early age (Javo et al., 2003). If one’s internal and external environments are predictable and there is a high probability that things will work out as well as one can reasonably expect, this will provide a dynamic feeling of confidence (Antonovsky, 1979). As one of Javo’s informants in her qualitative study of child rearing expressed it: To be independent is useful in reindeer herding, especially in situations when you are alone, without anybody nearby . . . When one trusts oneself, one rarely panics. You have to stay calm and you stay calm only if you have self-confidence. It is as simple as that. Because this gives you enough time to figure out how to survive until the weather gets better. (Javo et al., 2003, p. 155)

Antonovsky (1979) further posits that it is best for a child to be socialized in the way that is most appropriate to the particular society and culture in which he/she lives. Having a lifestyle caught between tradition and modernity poses a problem. Choosing the most appropriate upbringing for their children in a globalized world is a dilemma for some parents. In summary, our data revealed, in line with findings by Javo et al. (2003), that native Sa´mi language, Sa´mi traditions (e.g., skills related to reindeer husbandry and use of nature), and extended family are crucial components in promoting Sa´mi ethnic identity. Our findings also indicate the importance of social support networks such as fa´ttar networks, naming, and having a personal yoik. Moreover, child-rearing values, such as independence and autonomy, together with community resilience factors such as Sa´mi language competence and traditions, the extended family and siida network all contribute in the socialization and shaping of Sa´mi ethnic identity. Bals et al. (2011) point out that living in a Sa´mi- dominated context (with high density of Sa´mi community members) implies more cultural support in the community and that this support is related to positive mental health outcomes. The multiple possible elements of resilience identified in this study are a result of cultural continuity. Cultural continuity has been found to foster well-being among indigenous populations (Allen et al., 2014). The findings of the present study must be tempered by several limitations. The self-selection of participants and the small sample size limits the generalizability of findings and may have introduced unknown biases. Most participants were


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recruited in school settings and this may have increased the salience of certain themes, like boredom at school. However, the participants did not form a homogeneous group of adolescent Sa´mi. They had varying access to and engagement with community resilience resources, such as native language, affiliation to reindeer husbandry, and extended family. The interviews were conducted in Sa´mi and Norwegian and some of the meaning may have been distorted in the analysis and presentation because some Sa´mi words cannot be directly translated into English. However, the first author, who conducted the interviews, has long-term participation and observation in the community context which strengthened the indigenous perspective. That said, this position also posed challenges. Although confidentiality and anonymity were assured prior to the interviews, there may have been issues that participants felt embarrassed to talk about because they feared that the interviewer knew their parents or family.

Conclusion For Sa´mi youth, cultural continuity seems to play a significant role in community resilience and in building and maintaining social networks. These networks are maintained by kinship and extended family and extended godparent (fa´ttar) traditions, such as traditional wedding ceremonies, yoik, and naming traditions. The key to relational resilience seems to be enculturation, that is, the degree to which youth are embedded in Sa´mi and local cultural traditions and in the practice of cultural values and ceremonies. Youth with reindeer herding affiliation seem to be more enculturated in traditional practices than do other Sa´mi youth. The same networks that provided social support might also cause stress for adolescents if they feel they are excluded or demanded to conform. The expectation to care and show responsibility to others through these networks can also be associated with pressure when the value of the group assumes more importance than the individual. Further qualitative research is needed to obtain deeper understanding of the multilevel domain of resilience and the navigation and negotiation processes of Sa´mi youth. Also, more research is needed to explore and understand how urbanization and the use of digital social media influence social networks in Sa´mi communities. Acknowledgements We express gratitude to the youths in the community for their participation and contributions to this study. We also highly acknowledge the members of the local steering committee and international collaborators, research fellows, youths and elders for their advice and support during the whole process.

Funding This research has been financed by the Sa´mi University College and supported by CANHR P20RR061430, National Center for Research Resources, PI: Bert Boyer.


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Note 1. Norwegianization policies in the 1900s led to many Sa´mi losing their native language

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Kristine Nystad, is assistant professor and a doctoral student at Sa´mi University College, Kautokeino, Norway. She has done research on Sa´mi adolescents in Norway. Her research interests include Sa´mi adolescents, education, and health. Anna Rita Spein, MD, PhD, is a researcher affiliated with the Center for Sa´mi Health Research, Department of Community Medicine, Faculty of Medicine at the Arctic University of Norway located in Tromsø. She completed a doctoral thesis on substance use among ethnically diverse adolescents in Northern Norway based on longitudinal quantitative data. Her research focuses on substance use, religion, and self-reported health among indigenous Sa´mi youth. Benedicte Ingstad, is Professor Emerita in Medical Anthropology, University of Oslo, Norway. She has done fieldwork in several African countries as well as Greenland and Cambodia. She has written several books on issues of disability, poverty, and culture, as well as a text book in medical anthropology.


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