Economic abuse in the lives of women abused by an intimate partner: a qualitative study.

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research-article2014

VAWXXX10.1177/1077801214564167Violence Against WomenSanders

Article

Economic Abuse in the Lives of Women Abused by an Intimate Partner: A Qualitative Study

Violence Against Women 2015, Vol. 21(1) 3–29 © The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1077801214564167 vaw.sagepub.com

Cynthia K. Sanders1

Abstract This article presents qualitative findings of a study that examined the role of financial issues and economic factors in the lives of women who have experienced intimate partner violence (IPV). Eight themes emerged in discussions with women about the ways in which money and economic issues played a role in their experiences of abuse. Taken together, women’s discussions clearly support an “economic abuse” dimension of IPV. Implications for safely advancing the economic well-being of lowincome survivors are discussed. Keywords economic abuse, economic well-being, financial capability, intimate partner violence

Introduction Intimate partner violence (IPV) takes many forms, including physical, sexual, verbal, psychological, and emotional abuse (Johnson & Ferraro, 2000). While several studies have documented the impact of IPV on women’s employment (Browne, Salomon, & Bassuk, 1999; Moe & Bell, 2004; Riger & Staggs, 2005; Swanberg, Logan, & Macke, 2005) and a few studies document tactics used by abusive partners to limit women’s economic options (Kenney & Brown, 1996; Ptacek, 1997; Swanberg et al., 2005), relatively little research has focused specifically on the role of financial issues and the economic abuse dimension of domestic violence.

1Boise

State University, Boise, ID, USA

Corresponding Author: Cynthia K. Sanders, School of Social Work, Boise State University, 1910 University Drive, Boise, ID 83725-1940, USA. Email: [email protected]

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Violence Against Women 21(1)

The intent of this study was to explore, through qualitative inquiry, the role that economic and financial issues have played in women’s experiences of IPV. This research is associated with a larger study that examined the outcomes and experiences of women participating in an economic action program for low-income survivors, which included financial education, individual development accounts (IDA matched savings accounts), and economic advocacy and support services (see Sanders, 2007, 2010; Sanders & Schnabel, 2006). This study builds on what is currently known about the role of economic issues in IPV. Thirty low-income women in this study offer meaningful accounts from their own experiences of the ways in which financial issues and economic circumstances intersect with IPV.

Intimate Partner Abuse and Economic Issues Many feminists attribute IPV to men’s desire to control women (Davis & Hagen, 1992; Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Schechter, 1982; Yllo, 1993). In addition to physical violence, one way of maintaining power in a relationship is to retain control over financial resources. In addition, men’s violence can restrict and subordinate women’s participation in societal institutions, thus maintaining male dominance in the economic sphere and restricting women to subordinate roles within the family (Raphael, 2000). This dynamic is reinforced by social norms and social policy that condone male dominance and patriarchy in society (Abramovitz, 1996). Previous research demonstrates the intersection of financial/economic factors and IPV in at least four ways: (a) poor women are vulnerable to abuse; (b) women are often prevented from leaving an abusive partner due to economic dependence; (c) women’s economic status as well as their ability to obtain or maintain employment is significantly associated with and affected by IPV; and (d) partners use a variety of intentional tactics that negatively affect women’s economic well-being. Although domestic violence cuts across all socioeconomic classes, growing evidence suggests that poor women may be especially vulnerable to domestic abuse (Riger & Krieglstein, 2000; Tolman & Raphael, 2000), and women on welfare are more likely to experience serious physical violence by their partner (Kurz, 1998). According to National Crime Victimization Survey data, IPV increases as women’s family income decreases. Women in households with income less than US$10,000 experience IPV at a rate of 19.9 per 1,000, approximately 4 times the rate of women with incomes of US$50,000 or more (4.5 per 1,000; Bachman & Saltzman, 1995). In addition, opportunities to establish economic independence for women who might otherwise leave a violent relationship are limited, especially for low-income women (Johnson, 1992). Gelles (1976) was among the first to report empirical findings that support a link between economic dependence and risk of abuse. He found that women in low-paying jobs were less likely to terminate an abusive relationship. Several studies document a relationship between economic dependency and IPV. A lack of access to economic resources makes women dependent on abusive partners (Sullivan, 1991), and the extent to which a woman is economically dependent on her abuser has been found to

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predict her ability to leave (Barnett, 2000; Gonzalez, 2005; Johnson, 1992; Strube & Barbour, 1983). In addition, economic dependency has been found to predict the likelihood and severity of abuse, with greater economic dependency predicting more severe violence (Kalmuss & Straus, 1982). Women who are unable to establish economic independence also find it more difficult to pursue legal charges or obtain restraining orders (Fernandez, Iwamoto, & Muscat, 1997). Dependency includes not only income but also material well-being and housing concerns. Sufficient housing, financial assistance, job training, and child care prevent women from permanently escaping abusive relationships (Davis & Hagen, 1992). Studies have found that a major reason cited by women who leave shelters and return to an abusive partner is lack of alternative housing and income (Johnson, 1992; Menard, 2001; Schechter, 1982). While short-term housing can often be met through crisis shelters, transitional housing and long-term affordable housing are lacking (Melbin, Sullivan, & Cain, 2003). Indeed, women risk increased economic hardship, including loss of a home and possessions in the event they leave an abusive relationship. A disproportionate number of homeless women have experienced domestic violence, having become homeless after fleeing their abusers (Zorza, 1991). Theoretically, one might posit that if women obtain employment their level of economic dependency decreases, experiences of violence decrease, and ability to leave an abusive relationship increases (Kalmuss & Straus, 1990). However, theoretical explanations and mixed empirical findings reveal the complicated nature of employment, economic status, and IPV. Exchange theory seems especially relevant to understanding economic dynamics within a household experiencing IPV. Exchange theory is governed by the principle of costs and benefits (Homans, 1974). Exchange theory would predict that if a woman contributes significant economic resources to the household, her partner will have more to lose if he resorts to violence and his partner leaves him. Alternatively, if a woman has few financial resources and is economically dependent on an abusive partner, he has little to lose financially and can use financial resources and economic abuse as a means to control his partner (Jasinski, 2001). Several studies suggest that when women’s economic status (e.g., employment, income, external financial support) equals or exceeds that of a partner, levels of IPV decrease (Benson & Fox, 2004; Farmer & Tiefenthaler, 1997, 2003; Gibson-Davis, Magnuson, Gennetian, & Duncan, 2005). Lambert and Firestone (2000) found that women who are able to at least equalize occupational status with their partner suffer fewer types of abuses than women with lower prestige jobs than their partner. That is, women who are able to work may have some level of independence that lessens an abuser’s ability to control them as well as increases their ability to escape violence. Increasing economic independence may therefore not only decrease violence within a relationship but also provide needed resources to leave an abusive relationship if a woman desires (Farmer & Tiefenthaler, 1997; Page-Adams, 1995). However, exchange theory in and of itself fails to account for male dominance as outlined in feminist theory. Contrary to predictions of exchange theory, the desire for male dominance among abusive men could result in a “backlash” if women gain economic resources (Riger & Krieglstein, 2000). Batterers may oppose and feel

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threatened by women’s efforts to obtain or maintain financial independence and may inflict abuse to prevent them from obtaining financial means with which they could establish independence, resourcefulness, and social power (Moe & Bell, 2004). So while the presence of equal or greater economic status of a woman may mediate IPV as demonstrated by some studies, the “process” of gaining greater economic independence may initiate more violence. Taken together, exchange theory and feminist theory help demonstrate the various and complex ways in which financial matters and economic abuse may play a role in women’s experience of IPV and how their efforts to advance economically may be affected. Research has also found support for the notion that when a woman’s economic status is greater than her partner’s, she may be at an increased risk of abuse. Macmillan and Gartner (1999), for example, found that a woman’s risk of life-threatening violence was higher when she was employed and her husband was not. Tjaden and Thoennes (2000) found that women are at an increased risk of IPV when their educational attainment is higher than their partners. Other studies have found that status incompatibilities that favor women are not largely associated with physical abuse, but are associated with the risk of emotional abuse (Kaukinen, 2004). Jasinski (2001) suggests that, for men, violence is one means of establishing traditional masculinity. When men lack access to economic resources and employment, they may use violence in an attempt to reestablish their power at home. Women’s economic security is also affected by the intersection of IPV and employment. Women have difficulty obtaining and maintaining employment for a variety of reasons related to domestic violence (Browne et al., 1999; Riger & Staggs, 2005). These include intentional tactics used by abusive partners to prevent women from becoming financially independent. Intentional tactics used by abusive partners to prevent women from obtaining education, training, and employment include physical abuse prior to scheduled job interviews, harassing women at their place of employment, destroying textbooks or initiating conflict before an exam, and failing to fulfill child care responsibilities or provide transportation (Kenney & Brown, 1996; Ptacek, 1997; Riger, Ahrens, & Blickenstaff, 2000; Swanberg et al., 2005; Swanberg & Macke, 2006; Tolman & Raphael, 2000). In addition to tactics targeted specifically at sabotaging work efforts, abusive partners may employ a variety of similar tactics as a means of economic abuse. Research seeking to identify and measure economic abuse has been on the rise. For example, Weaver, Sanders, Campbell, and Schnabel (2009) developed the Domestic Violence– Related Financial Issues (DV-FI) Scale with five subscales, including economic abuse, which assesses unique financial issues facing victims of IPV. Adams, Sullivan, Bybee, and Greeson (2008) developed the Scale of Economic Abuse (SEA), a 28-item scale capturing both behaviors that control a woman’s access to and use of resources and economically exploitive behaviors. A recent study by Postmus, Plummer, McMahon, Murshid, and Kim (2012) demonstrated that women experiencing economic abuse significantly predicted a decrease in economic self-sufficiency. Clearly, economic and financial issues play a role in IPV. While gaining attention, there is still relatively little research focusing on the economic abuse dimension of

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IPV, which suggests the need for ongoing research in this area. While a few studies have qualitatively examined the effects of IPV on women’s employment (Moe & Bell, 2004; Swanberg et al., 2005), there appear to be no studies that examine in depth and from the perspective of women experiencing IPV the role of economic and financial issues in IPV. This article presents qualitative findings of a study that examined the role of financial issues and economic circumstances in the lives of women who have experienced IPV.

Method Sample Selection Women in this study were part of a larger study and participating in Redevelopment Opportunities for Women’s Economic Action Program (REAP; see http://www.row-stl. org/row-s-economic-action-program), a program designed to facilitate long-term economic development among low-income survivors of IPV (Sanders & Schnabel, 2006). REAP is a St. Louis-based community initiative that focuses on promoting economic development and increasing economic security for women who have experienced IPV. Program components include a 12-hr comprehensive financial education and credit counseling program to create awareness of and control over financial opportunities and choices (Redevelopment Opportunities for Women, Inc., 2005); an IDA matched savings program designed to help low-income women with a history of IPV purchase assets (e.g., a home, a small business, an education, a vehicle); and economic advocacy and support services. Women came to participate in the program through a variety of means. They often learned about the IDA program through participation in REAP’s financial education classes, which took place in a variety of settings including emergency shelters, transitional housing programs, and non-residential domestic violence service provider agencies. They may also have learned of the program through counselors and domestic violence advocates and by word of mouth. Interviews for this study were conducted with the first 30 women to open an IDA who agreed to participate in the study. Women were informed about the study by the IDA program coordinator and asked for their permission to provide contact information to the researcher. Those who agreed were contacted over phone by the researcher, informed about the study, and interview time and place were scheduled. The research protocol was approved by a university Institutional Review Board (IRB) to protect human subjects.

Interview Protocol In-depth interviews were completed between June 2002 and May 2004. Women were interviewed after 3 months but within the first 6 months of their initial enrollment in the IDA program. Women were allowed to participate in the IDA program for up to 2½ years to meet their savings goals and receive matching funds to make asset purchases. The majority of interviews took place in respondents’ homes. However, for women with safety concerns, who were residing with an abuser, or who preferred to be

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interviewed outside their residence, a public location, such as a private room at a local public library, was used. Informed consent forms were obtained from all respondents and each woman was given US$40 to thank her for the time it took to participate in the study. Prior to beginning the in-depth interview, a simple survey to gather basic demographic information was completed. All interviews were taped with the consent of the respondent and lasted 90 to 120 min.

Interview Topics and Format A semi-structured interview guide was developed collaboratively with input and feedback from REAP program staff and domestic violence advocates. Questions were based on the knowledge of advocates and informed by existing literature on IPV and literature in the area of asset development with low-income populations (Sherraden, 2001; Sherraden et al., 2005). The interview guide concentrated on four main topic areas: (a) background and family financial matters, (b) ways in which financial and economic issues played a role in women’s experiences of IPV, (c) experiences and outcomes of participation in financial education classes, and (d) IDA/savings goals, program experience and outcomes, and relationship to IPV. The interview guide included several questions in each topic area. In the spirit of qualitative inquiry, the process allowed for some flexibility to enhance the quality and depth of conversations. Follow-up questions and probes were used to elicit details about women’s individual experiences. The interview was designed to be relaxed and build trust to gain forthright responses about potentially sensitive issues. Findings associated with Topic Area B, ways in which financial and economic issues played a role in women’s experiences of IPV, are shared in this study.

Data Analysis To manage and analyze the voluminous data generated through in-depth interviews, the qualitative software package ATLAS.ti was used to assist with data analysis. Following transcription of the audio-taped interviews, the data were entered into ATLAS.ti. The use of software facilitated data organization and analysis, while maintaining the integrity of the original data and keeping it readily accessible (Lewis, 1998). Qualitative data were coded by themes. First, using interview questions and existing literature, an initial deductive code list was generated. Second, interviews were line coded using an open-coding technique (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) to inductively develop additional codes. A second analyst worked from the coding list of the lead researcher. Throughout data analysis, the researchers worked together to assess reliability in their interpretation of data. Unused or duplicate codes were eliminated or merged. Ideas and experiences were compared for similarities and differences, which allowed for the discrimination and differentiation of codes. Next, tables were constructed based on respondent case number and drawing narrative data in support of major substantive or conceptual categories (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The tables allowed us to organize deductive themes for which we found support and for new

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themes developed inductively. Thus, this study reflects understanding derived deductively from theoretical concepts as well as understanding derived inductively from narrative data. To protect the identity of study participants, each woman was given a pseudonym. In addition, no specific identifying information is linked to qualitative comments. Finally, without compromising the integrity of the data some details may be slightly changed in the discussion of findings to maintain anonymity. All respondents had male abusive partners, except one who had a female partner. To protect the identity of this respondent, all partners are referenced as male.

Findings The Women Table 1 provides an overview of demographic characteristics of the 30 women interviewed in this study. Women ranged in age from 23 to 45 years old with a mean age of 38. The majority of women completed high school and many had post–high school education in the form of vocational training or at least some college. The majority of women were African American or White with just one Latina and one woman of Asian descent. On average, women had two children with the majority having at least one child living at home. Two thirds of the women worked at least part-time and all were low income. Most women were currently living in their own home/apartment, but approximately one third of women were in transitional housing, living with family or friends, or residing in a woman’s shelter. At the time of the interviews, only two respondents were currently married and living with their husbands. The majority of women were single, separated, or divorced. However, almost half of the women reported being currently involved with a partner/ spouse. More than half (56%) of the respondents reported that their most recent incident of physical abuse was within the past year, a quarter of whom were physically abused within the previous 3 months. Others reported that their most recent incident was over 1 year ago, and one respondent indicated that she was never physically abused but experienced substantial verbal and emotional abuse.

Qualitative Themes While there were individual differences in the experiences of women interviewed in this study, a collective set of experiential themes arose characterizing the role financial issues and economic factors play in IPV. We asked women a general question about what role finances and/or economic issues played in their experiences of abuse. Furthermore, women were asked to discuss issues such as financial decision making, access to household income, and how financial issues affected their safety and decision to stay with or leave an abusive partner. Women also talked about behaviors and tactics on the part of abusive partners that affected their economic well-being and ability to become economically independent.

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Table 1. Women’s Demographic Characteristics (n = 30). Age 18-22 26-35 36-50 51+ M age Minimum-maximum Education Some high school High school graduate/GED Vocational/technical school Some college Completed college Race African American White Caucasian Latino/Hispanic Asian Monthly income US$0-US$250 US$251-US$500 US$501-US$1,000 US$1,001-US$1,500 US$1,500-US$2,000 Number of children M Minimum-maximum Children living at home Yes No NA Employment status At least full-time Part-time Working and in school School only Seeking employment Disabled Housing status Home/apartment Living with relative/friend Transitional housing

2 (7%) 11 (37%) 15 (50%) 2 (7%) 38 23-54 3 (10%) 9 (30%) 10 (33%) 3 (10%) 5 (17%) 16 (53%) 12 (40%) 1 (3%) 1 (3%) 2 (7%) 7 (23%) 9 (30%) 7 (23%) 5 (17%) 2 0-4 23 (77%) 6 (20%) 1 (3%) 11 (37%) 5 (17%) 3 (10%) 2 (7%) 2 (7%) 7 (23%) 20 (67%) 5 (17%) 3 (10%) (continued)

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Sanders Table 1. (continued) Women’s shelter Relationship status Single Married, living together Married, separated Divorced Current partner/spouse Yes No Most recent incident of physical abuse Within past month 2-3 months ago 4-6 months ago 6 months-1 year ago More than 1 year ago No physical abuse

2 (7%) 9 (30%) 2 (7%) 5 (17%) 14 (47%) 14 (47%) 16 (53%) 3 (10%) 4 (13%) 1 (3%) 9 (30%) 12 (40%) 1 (3%)

Note. GED = general education diploma; NA = not applicable.

Eight themes emerged from discussions with women about the ways in which money and economic issues played a role in their experiences of abuse. Those themes that resonated most frequently are reported first. The themes include (a) monetary control and lack of access to financial resources; (b) economic dependence and the role in staying or leaving; (c) financial issues as an impetus to verbal, physical, and/or sexual abuse; (d) impact on employment or education; (e) impact on debt and credit; (f) stealing and destruction of property; (g) dealing with the aftermath of economic abuse; and (h) financial strategies. While these eight themes clearly emerged from conversations with women, it is important to note that the role of financial matters in women’s experience of abuse varied. Some women controlled their own finances or shared financial responsibility and decision making in previous relationships, and 5 of the 30 women interviewed did not believe financial issues or economic circumstances had anything to do with their experiences of IPV. Most women, however, believed that financial factors had a significant role in their experiences of IPV. Robyn, for example, believed finances have a larger role in IPV than most people realize: It probably plays more of like a major role . . . more of a major role . . . than everyone thinks, because everyone thinks it’s probably just alcohol, drugs, or . . . But I think if more women . . . like in schools . . . like if they were taught in schools about finances . . . give them more opportunities on finances and how to save for a home. . . that they would be more independent and not have to depend on a man to do it for them. Because when they depend on a man to do it for them . . . if he turns out to be an abuser . . . that’s double trouble. So I think it plays a major role in how we assess our life. You know. It’s like it makes up a part of us.

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Clair agreed and was articulate in discussing “economic abuse” as an important dimension of domestic violence: Well, I think they [finances] play a much bigger role than people think . . . because all you hear about is the sexual, physical, emotional abuse. You never hear about the economic abuse. And economic abuse is just as big as the other forms of abuse, because like my ex-husband, he took money from me. He made it to where none of the bills were getting paid, but yet I had to rely on him to pay them. And it’s just like . . . I felt like I was on a rollercoaster ride with finances. You know, when I wanted to work he wouldn’t let me work. It’s just . . . that played a big role . . . the economic issues. And I don’t think very many people realize it, because people don’t hear about that form of abuse.

Monique noted how the role of financial matters in domestic violence goes beyond the relationship itself and is reinforced by society: I think it’s perpetuated in our society. Women are material . . . they’re things. They have been. It’s written in marriage vows. We’re like property and a lot of times the highest bidder gets the property. We’re paid less than our male counterparts on every level of employment. The higher the level, I think, the . . . of the job . . . the more inequitable the pay is. They have the upper hand.

Theme 1: Monetary control. The first theme, and the strongest, to emerge when discussing the role of financial matters in women’s experiences of IPV was a lack of access, or limited access to household financial resources and, conversely, the often complete control of money and financial decisions held by abusive partners. Examples include control of household income earned by an abuser, requiring a woman to hand over her earnings, not including or removing women’s names from bank accounts, and monitoring all expenditures by accompanying women to the store or requiring receipts for all purchases made. In general, women were isolated from financial resources and often had little knowledge about household financial matters such as bank accounts, or household assets and debt. The following quotes help demonstrate the nature of monetary control. Darlene lacked access to household money and told this story about when she asked her husband for money to buy shoes for their child and his three children: So he came home one Sunday night and he said, “Well I’ve decided I’ve gone back to work,” and he’s making $21.16 an hour, getting paid every Friday. And he’s decided . . . he told me, “I’ve decided that this is my money. I’ll do what I want to do with my money. I don’t have to give you any money, spend the money on you, I don’t have to pay bills ‘cause I don’t live here (they resided together but only her name was on the lease). And by the way, I took your name off the checking account and the savings account. So that’s it. If you want some money . . . if you think you need some money, then you need to ask me for some money. And if I have it I’ll give you half of what you ask for.”

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Jane explained that when she was not working and relied on her partner financially, he controlled all the household money: I’ve never had control over, basically, he never. . . . You know, he would leave and I mean, he wouldn’t leave me with no gas in the car, no money . . . all the time. I mean, I was . . . which was very hard for me because I’ve always been the one in control of all the finances and everything else. Just allowing him to do that was . . . yeah, he totally controlled the whole money thing. Like to go to the grocery store, I had to wait and go with him. He couldn’t just give me $20 or $60 or whatever it was, just to go get something. You know, he’d always have to be there and be doing that. I couldn’t do nothing.

She went on to say that when she was working, she had some sense of control: I mean, every time I wasn’t working, things got more out of hand. Which, I guess because when I was working, I had still control over some money and my part of the finances and he knew he didn’t have total control, I guess. So but when I was under his mercy, basically it was terrible.

Jane’s comments offer support for exchange theory and reinforce findings of previous studies that suggest that when women are employed and have economic status they may be able to maintain greater power within the household. However, the following quotes by Leah and Nellie demonstrate the response of other abusers to maintain male dominance in light of women’s economic contributions. Leah felt that she could not win, whether she worked or not: I really felt I had no say as far as anything, you know, as how that money was spent or whatever. And when I was working, I didn’t get any credit for that. When I say that, I mean it was like it wasn’t valued or anything like that. He would say . . . the thing that he would say that would bother me is that “you don’t contribute.”

Nellie worked, but her partner retained control of her money: “There was no money period . . . even when I worked, he would take my money too. I had absolutely no control over anything.” Several women mentioned being financially monitored by their partner through receipts. For example, Tami believed her ex-partner controlled the money and demanded receipts to prevent her from leaving: “He probably thought if he gave me money that I would be smart enough to set some aside to build up enough money to leave or something.” Tonya also talked about how her partner monitored her access to money through receipts: He wanted to see the receipt. He wanted to see receipts. He wanted to see . . . if they didn’t give a receipt . . . [he would] call them and he’d be on the other end . . . how much the bill is now or . . . you know? [I would] put the money on the account, then [he would] call them to see if they got the money or something. You know, just very controlling.

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These experiences demonstrate support for feminist theory that suggests abusive partners seek to control women, in this case through financial control. Theme 2: Economic dependence and the role in leaving or staying. The second theme to emerge was the role that financial dynamics and economic dependence played in a woman’s decision about staying with or leaving an abusive partner. Nellie had this to say about how people do not understand why women do not just leave an abusive relationship: I didn’t talk to my mom for 10 years because of this. My sisters and I . . . I come from 7 people and . . . 7 brothers and sisters, and no one would help me get out of that situation. They used to ask me, “Well, why are you still with him?” Well, “No one will help me get out.” “Well, you must like it. You must like it. You must get off on him beating the shit out of you. That’s why you don’t leave.” That’s bullshit. I lost total respect for my whole family. I do not communicate with any of them because of this. But all of them rely on their husbands. You know? Not one of them could walk away from their husbands and survive. They just don’t have to experience the abuse because of it.

Paula explained that if she had a well-paying job or was able to save some money when she was with her partner, she would have left him sooner: “If I had stability in a job, yeah and money put aside, you know, saved up where I could leave and not have to depend on other people and stuff and do it myself. I would have left sooner.” Several women were concerned about how they would care for their children if they left their relationship. Kara explained how her financial ability to care for her children was a major consideration in leaving: I would always want to take the kids, but I knew how . . . or, at that time, “How could I manage on my own with the kids?” . . . How could I provide for them? I knew that there were states . . . you know, or funding available, but I would stay there because he was the source of income and I guess I felt I was dependent on him.

Kate echoed the role that children play in decisions about staying or leaving: A lot of times it’s [economic dependence], why we stay is because there’s no way out. With four kids . . . I love my kids, so in order . . . where would I take them? I’m not gonna live in a car. Where am I gonna go? They got to be in a good school district. They got to be able to go to school and get their education and all that.

In addition to feeling economically dependent and unable to leave, some women were afraid that what little bit of economic stability they did have would be compromised. Dora, for example, became involved with a coworker who was abusive. Although she did not live with him, she felt trapped in the relationship because she feared losing employment stability and a decent living wage: Financial issues played a major role in me deciding to free myself from a domestic violence situation. And it was because . . . I was working and I was gainfully employed. I wasn’t

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making enough to live in a mansion on the hill, but I had a decent amount. And I was afraid to leave my place of employment because I did not know if I would get another job making the money that I was making. So I stayed in the situation for a very long time. I kept it as quiet as I could. I didn’t tell anybody about it, because of fear. I stayed there because . . . one of the major reasons for staying there was because of finances. . . . Working was . . . it was kind of like a marriage. You know, where some people, they come home to their spouse. It was like I went to work to a spouse. And leaving a job was like a divorce, so to speak. So I decided that I had to make a decision. So I finally decided that I would leave. And I had to leave, because I knew that either I was going to die in that situation, or I was going to murder somebody in that situation. So I had to make a decision. And I decided to get out of it. And I can remember when I left that situation, that I said, “God, you’re going to have to take care of me, because if you don’t take care of me, I won’t be taken care of.”

Yolanda avoided leaving her abusive husband for years because she feared losing the only wealth she had, her property and home: I thought about our property . . . the house we were living in . . . if I left I would lose the property because he would give me such a hassle about this property that I wouldn’t want to keep any of it. I would turn it totally over to him and I would lose out on that. That’s the only thing, because I was the one working and doing all the financial stuff. It was, because I always thought as long as I was in the house and stayed with him, that I would have half the property . . . that I would still . . . and if he died, I would still get the property and that sort of thing. And I always wanted it for my kids, so they could have it. . . . So I was worried about that. I thought at least I would have that for retirement.

Theme 3: Impetus to abuse. The severity and type of domestic violence women experienced varied in nature. Conflict about financial issues, however, often escalated into abusive acts, whether verbal, physical, sexual, or emotional. Amber, for example, talked about how her ex-partner used money to control her and that was often a factor in verbal abuse: He always sort of used money as a way to control me. He knew he made a lot more money than me. He always threw it in my face. He’d say I couldn’t make it on my own, just sort of nasty digs like that. Always called me names like I was taking advantage of him. I said, “Okay, well, let’s just get separate accounts and you can pay for whatever crap is yours and I’ll pay for whatever crap is mine.” He didn’t want to do that. I was always wanting to get a separate account from him, because we had so many fights about money. He never wanted to do that. He would apologize and say he was sorry.

Paula also demonstrates the role finances had for her and the verbal abuse she endured: Well, it’d be verbal abuse if he knew I had [money] and wouldn’t give it to him. You know, until it’s just like, “Go ahead. Take it and go on.” You know? But, yeah, it would be abusive to get it back. But, thinking about it, the money . . . that was a big thing.

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Jill believed that the physical abuse inflicted upon her was closely tied to money matters: How do I want to say this? I think he felt inferior and wanted to beat the hell out of me because of the way he felt about himself because he wasn’t doing what he was supposed to be doing. He wasn’t pulling his weight. You know, he worked little temporarily assignments here and there, but whenever he got his money he went and did what he wanted.

Tami, who was separated from her husband, talked about being sexually exploited to have access to money: If I wanted some type of money, then I would have to have sex with him. So that’s how he was. Yeah. He held that against me. Like, he knew payday . . . that I didn’t really want to have sex with him . . . so payday, he kind of figured he was going to get some. Yeah, I felt like a prostitute. But he said I wasn’t a prostitute because I was his wife.

Tonya indicated that she was expected to provide sex in exchange for money with her previous partner on a regular basis: Like for intercourse or something like that . . . yeah, all the time. Yeah, and so I would be like, “So, what am I, a whore now? I got to do this for money?” So, yeah, that was basically all the time.

A number of women also discussed incidents in which their partner withheld money and prevented them from paying rent, buying food, or other necessities for themselves and their children. In Regina’s case, her husband withheld money to obtain dental care she desperately needed: I told [my husband], “I need money for my mouth . . . for my crown.” His response, “You can save toward your crowns” (she received a small monthly disability payment). But what about my pain right now? You know, I’m telling you . . . a toothache . . . I felt it. That is no playing thing. It makes you wish you was dead. I mean I had pain that ached. It had my . . . it was my lower tooth that was hurting, okay? But it made my top teeth feel like everything up there was hurting, the bottom . . . everything down there was hurting. It made my ear feel like something was wrong with my ear. It gave me headaches. And the pain was so painful. I wouldn’t wish that on nobody.

Theme 4: Employment and education. The fourth theme to emerge was the prevention or disruption of employment and education by partners. In some cases, partners simply prohibited and threatened violence if women expressed a desire to work or gain further education. In other cases, partners used tactics to disrupt employment or education. Tactics included the following: initiating conflict just before women were leaving for a job interview or class; calling and harassing women at work or showing up at school or their place of employment and causing a scene, in some cases, causing women to

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lose their jobs. Such tactics interfered with women’s efforts to advance their economic well-being and stability. Jane talked about how her husband would interfere with her ability to follow through with job leads, preventing employment: I would try to go on some different interviews and temp agencies and things and he would make something happen horrible where on my way there, you know . . . just to screw me up . . . make the morning terrible. He would just make things hard for me to be able to get a job again.

Janice, a reliable employee with an understanding boss, felt fortunate that she did not lose her job as a result of actions taken by her partner: He used to come on my job and try to curse me out. He used to try to embarrass me. He used to come into the main office. When you work home health care, you have people’s house you go to. He came over to this one lady’s house . . . this lady had to call the police. You know? And, but the lady who ran the place, she liked me. That’s the only reason she didn’t fire me.

Robyn, however, was not so lucky and reported losing several jobs because of her partner: I lost a few jobs because he would start shit and they don’t want to mess with no domestic stuff, you know? He would come to my work, yeah, and start trouble. Cussing and screaming and throwing a hissy fit like a little girl. A couple of places didn’t want to have to worry about him messing with the customers. He’d be drunk or something and he’d come up and mess with customers.

In other cases, women were “allowed” to work when it suited their partner. Kara, for example, stated, Well, when I was working he’d call and harass me and I lost jobs. To prevent me . . . well, he just never did want me to [work]. The only times I . . . was definitely allowed was if he was in between jobs and we needed money, then I could go out and get a job. But it was where he’d help pick and choose the job and usually drive me to work . . . pick me up.

In addition to more overt tactics used to interfere with work efforts, a number of women reported that they were prevented from working because their partner refused to help with child care. Louise, for example, believed that her husband intentionally avoided child care to prevent her from returning to work following the birth of their child: Our first baby was born, you know, like I would say, “Okay, I’m going back to work like a couple nights every month.” You know, they make nurses so easy to be able to go back

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to work . . . even like a few years ago . . . it was like a little bit harder to go back, as far as it wasn’t quite so flexible. But they were coming up with all these plans . . . like I’d go back. And I’d say, “Well, you know, like I would go back, just go back so many shifts a month.” And I loved to work nights, but I would just go back two nights a month, just at first. And he’d said, “Okay, I’ll watch the baby two nights.” And he couldn’t do that.

In addition to affecting employment, partners also inferred with and prevented women from progressing by obtaining more education. For example, Monique was also only allowed to work when it suited her husband. She also wanted to complete her general education diploma (GED) to get a better-paying job, but her husband would not allow it: He wouldn’t allow me to go to school. My ex-husband didn’t allow me to go to high school and then didn’t allow me to go to my GED classes by myself. And he allowed me to work at certain times and then wouldn’t allow me to work after I was gaining some kind of stability.

Darlene explained how her husband had interfered with her efforts to complete school and also caused scenes at her place of employment: He was very verbally abusive . . . mentally abusive. I was going to school trying to get my license. He’d want to argue so I can’t go to class, can’t study, can’t do my homework . . . just can’t do anything. And so he would come up on my job. I’m like, “What are you doing here? And what do you want?” And he’d start an argument. He’d take the car keys, the car, make me really late, argue so I wouldn’t feel like going to school . . . stuff like that. He didn’t want me to advance . . . period. He did not want me to advance in life.

Amber’s partner actively tried to interfere with her efforts to complete her education: He did everything he could possible to make it so that I would fail and have these big, huge fights and I wouldn’t get may homework done . . . give me these guilt trips that I spent too much time studying for exams and doing papers. I didn’t devote enough time to our relationship. Whenever I had some big project I had to do he knew about it, he would start fights with me and they would just go on into the wee hours of the night. And it was also always whenever I was walking out the door to go to class . . . he’d be upset about something and start this huge argument. A lot of times when we would fight and I was trying to leave the house, he would try to keep me in the house . . . take my phone.

And Karen described how she was able to acquire her GED without her husband finding out: I had to be sneaky to go and take my GED. And when I took the test for my GED and they told me I passed it, me and my boys were so proud of me, you know, and everything. And they made me a little cake and put a candle in and stuff like that. And he came home and just destroyed the whole thing and tore up my certificate. You know, destroyed my

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certificate. It’s okay. I got copies of it. I sent for other copies of it after I got here [transitional housing]. Because he didn’t finish school and he didn’t like it. He didn’t like that I went. . . . And he couldn’t figure out how did I do it behind his back?

She went on to explain how she did it. Karen was not the only respondent who noted a sympathetic employer: My boss got me a tutor that would come to the job and help me. That’s how I did it. My boss was my rock through the whole thing. He would tell me like that, “You just need to leave.” But I didn’t have the strength and he understood that I didn’t have the strength.

Theme 5: Impact on debt and credit. The fifth theme to arise in discussions with women about the relationship between financial issues and IPV was how partners negatively affected women’s credit and accumulation of debt. In some cases, financial dynamics were intentionally structured, so that irresponsible spending or neglect of household bills would fall on the shoulders of the women. In other cases, the results of financial impropriety appeared less intentionally structured, but the results for women were real nonetheless. Women often felt powerless over an abuser’s financial behavior due to the fear and threat of reprisal. Women’s debt ranged from none to US$40,000 with a mean debt of US$9,132. While not all debt can be attributed to abusive financial dynamics, in many cases it played a major role. Robyn explained that her partner refused to have his name on any of the household bills, including rent or utilities: I paid the bills. Everything was in my name, so it was my credit that got ruined . . . not his. Yeah, and when we got thrown out, I got the eviction thing on my credit. So. Yeah, he never had his name on anything.

Kara noted that the impact on her credit ultimately resulted in bankruptcy: “He ruined my credit and everything and I lost my job, lost the credit cards, had to file bankruptcy.” Louise agreed to add her partner’s name to the home she owned. The unfortunate outcome was losing her house: “I owned a home in [name of city]. And he even took that over and . . . putting a second mortgage on that home. . . . He lost my house.” A final example is provided by Regina, who was residing with her husband and had no control of or access to household money: He pay the bills, but he don’t pay them on time. Always late charges or either they got . . . some bill collector got to come in and take him to court. ‘Cause like I know the sewer people, they took him to court at least two times that I know of. Okay. And I didn’t know that they had done that and my name was on that bill also. And until one day I was doing some cleaning around the house and I ran across the summons and I saw my name on the summons. That’s when I knew that the sewer people had filed a suit against us.

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Theme 6: Stealing and destruction of property. Closely related to issues of credit and debt, a number of women reported that their partners stole money from them. In addition, several partners destroyed property, leaving them to pay for replacement or go without. Robyn talked about how her boyfriend stole her ATM card and drained her bank account: Well, I had the same savings account that I have now . . . that he would take my card and steal money out of my account. . . . Yeah, while I’m sleeping. And I called that bank and they said I’d have to take it up with each individual branch, because he went so many different places with the card. So I never got the money back again.

And Nellie’s husband stole her money in an effort to prevent her from leaving: When I decided I was going to leave him and he knew I was going to leave him, he went and drained my bank account. But he drained my bank account three times and I should have left him the first time.

Janice explained how her boyfriend not only physically abused her but also destroyed much of her personal property: And then he got where he started breaking things in the house. Yeah, things that I paid for . . . lamps and, you know, you put stuff into will call and get it out and then . . . You know? . . . He took me down. You know what I’m saying? Look where I’m at . . . I ain’t got nothing. And then he cut up a lot of stuff. He cut up the couch. He cut up a lot of things. You know what I’m saying? And he broke my baby’s TV.

Kara’s husband stalked her and destroyed her only means of transportation: I was still in the shelter in [state] and I was in that shelter for about two months before I decided to come to Missouri, where I really needed to get away from him. . . . And so he knew where [the shelter] was. He could follow me and everything. And a pastor at a church sold me a car for like $99 . . . just . . . so I had that car and was going to work. And I went shopping to a store one day . . . parked it in the parking lot . . . and came out and it was gone. We couldn’t prove that he did it . . . couldn’t charge him with anything . . . because at the time we were still married, so, “What’s mine is yours, and what’s yours is mine.” But he has since laughed about it and told me how he did it. So I knew he did it. Yeah, he destroyed it. When we found it, it was not drivable.

Theme 7: Aftermath of economic abuse. As a result of the economic abuse most women experienced, they were often left to deal with the aftermath. This meant that women were often left with few financial resources or material items to establish an independent household, and they were often left holding large amounts of debt. When women decided to leave, many had to start over financially, further postponing their capacity to move toward economic self-sufficiency and security. As Nellie explained, any financial security she may have had was destroyed when she left her husband:

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We had $35,000 in our 401(k) . . . which he hid. He hid. Because he had that one, and then he had opened another one so that when it came down to the paperwork in court . . . he showed the one that he’d just opened and it showed no money, of course. But there’s $35,000 out there somewhere that he took. I got screwed on the house. I didn’t even have the money for a lawyer, so I went into court without a lawyer and asked for a continuance and I didn’t get it. So I got royally screwed . . . $125,000 home . . . he said it was worth $74,000 . . . something like that. I got $4,000 out of the house.

Theme 8: Financial strategies. The final theme to emerge in discussing the role of financial matters in women’s experience of IPV speaks to the strengths and resourcefulness of women, despite circumstances over which they often had little control. Women responded to their circumstances through strategies such as setting limits, hiding money, seeking help from others without the knowledge of their abuser, and keeping important financial documents out of sight. While resourceful, strategies may have also placed women in greater danger of violence if their partner were to find out what they were doing. Evelyn, who had left her husband on more than one occasion, reported how she learned to set limits with him—limits she believed would help ensure her safety: That’s a part of my well-being . . . that car. Even if I leave everything in that freaking house . . . if I had to go again . . . my car is going with me (laugh) because that’s going to help me get back and forth to work or to whatever it is I need to do . . . the baby, me and the baby . . . wherever. If I need to get up out of there and get in a hurry, I’ve got my car. I’ve even set boundaries where my car keys are concerned. He had this thing about us having each other’s car keys. I don’t drive his truck. I don’t want to. I gave him back his truck keys and took back my car keys. He made a big issue about it . . . a big one. I didn’t care. I said, “[Husband’s name], you don’t need my car keys. That’s my car. You don’t need my car keys. If you need them, I’ll hand you these and you get what you need or whatever and give me back my car keys. You don’t need them.” It was another matter of control and I really felt I was doing the right thing when he started making a big stink about it. I knew I was doing the right thing then. It was just another thing he wanted to be in control of. No. So I took my other set of keys.

Karen spoke about how she hid money to meet her basic needs and those of her children: I had to hide the money in the lining of the curtains, pull the carpet back . . . for money to pay the bills? Cause if not, I was constantly . . . we might have lived for three months and then bam . . . we lived somewhere else and somewhere else and somewhere else and somewhere else. And I got tired of it . . . I had to do that. I had to do that in order for me and my boys to survive.

She continued explaining how her employer worked with her to make sure that she had some access to money: I would cash my paycheck sometimes, that way I could give my boss . . . if I brought home $400, I would give my boss $200, $250 to keep. And I had to pinch off of that. The

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rest I would take home. “This is all you worked this week?” “Uhh, huh.” I know I would be lying. And he knew that I was lying. But I had to . . . because I had to buy food with the little money . . . that, if he didn’t blow it all . . . to make it stretch from paycheck to paycheck.

In an effort to prevent conflict, Tami explained how she had her bank statement mailed to her mother’s house: Well, I would try to keep my money to myself. And I really didn’t like him knowing that I was working, because I knew that would cause problems. . . . He would’ve tried to get a hold of my money. And I didn’t let him know that I had accounts, like a bank account and stuff like that . . . because he would try to get a hold of that stuff. . . . Uhh, hmm. I would have my statements mailed to my mom’s house instead of my house. And if I did work and he knew that I was working, I tried to play like I was working less hours than I was working and that I was just out.

Flora also talked about how she hid important financial documents. Her actions proved helpful in getting child support when she filed for a divorce: I used to hide everything just to get by. So I used to hide . . . I used to have bags and bags and bags of information on him and myself, because I knew that I was going to go pursue and file for divorce. So I kept receipts for everything. . . . Oh, yeah. I hid it all the time in the trunk of my car. And he would always come out, “Let me go out to help you get the groceries.” And I would never let him do that because I had everything in there. I had bags galore of everything. That’s what helped me with my divorce, to be able to pursue and did what I got, because I was able to just pack up everything. . . . I think the information I was basically keeping was all his paycheck receipts and all his deposits and all his checking account information.

Regina even resorted to sleeping with her purse under her pillow, so that her husband would not steal what little money she had control over: He know he can’t get to my money, because like, my checks . . . he don’t know where my checks are. And as far as my credit card’s concerned, I keep it in my purse. When I go to sleep, my purse is under my pillow. So he can’t get to that. When I’m sleeping, my purse is close to me . . . under my pillow, because see, sometime the medication that I take . . . it might put me in a deep sleep. And if I just got it by the bed where I sleep at and he tips in or something . . . I might not even hear him. So that’s why I put it . . . so if he reached under my pillow . . . that would wake me up.

Discussion This study has examined the role that financial issues and economic factors play in women’s experiences of IPV. Findings demonstrate the many ways in which financial issues and money play a role in IPV. Taken together, the eight themes that emerged from women’s discussions clearly support an “economic abuse” dimension of IPV.

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Similar to other studies (Moe & Bell, 2004), this study demonstrates the ways in which abusers interfere with employment. However, this study also demonstrates several additional ways in which economic abuse is inflicted on women experiencing IPV. Women readily reported examples of tactics used by abusive partners that negatively affected their economic well-being. Women’s access to financial resources was often restricted, monitored, or completely controlled by an abusive partner. As a result, women lacked access to money, were often “unbanked” (i.e., lacked checking or savings accounts), and were isolated from household financial information. Financial issues were frequently an impetus to other forms of abuse, including physical, sexual, and verbal abuse. Women often felt unable to leave abusive partners due to economic dependence, especially when they had children. When women did leave abusive partners they often left with substantial debt, sometimes as a result of their abuser’s financial impropriety, and many left with few material or financial resources to establish a new household for themselves and their children. Despite women’s experiences of economic abuse, they often devised resourceful ways of coping, including hiding money and relying on trusted others to help. The experiences shared by the women in this study provide support for both exchange theory and feminist theory as discussed at the outset of this article. In addition, the variety in women’s experiences support empirical research that demonstrates greater economic status may reduce (Farmer & Tiefenthaler, 1997; Lambert & Firestone, 2000) or increase (Macmillan & Gartner, 1999) women’s risk of IPV. In some cases, women who worked and had control over their own resources reported less threat of abuse. In addition, women who were able to retain some control of resources, sometimes covertly, were better able to care for themselves and their children and maintain some household stability such as stable housing. However, in other cases, efforts on the part of partners to maintain male dominance through financial avenues were apparent, regardless of women’s economic efforts. Behaviors on the part of abusive partners vary. Some abusers from the outset prevent access to financial resources, and some abusers appear to respond to the threat of women progressing toward greater economic autonomy. By restricting women’s economic autonomy, men increase the probability that their partners remain dependent upon them and retain control of women’s behavior within the relationship. The feminist perspective, which emphasizes inequality in resources, provides a reminder that “women cannot exercise self-determination until they have the resources to redress the power imbalance between themselves and their abusers” (Davis & Hagen, 1992, p. 19). Women may be vulnerable to abuse not only when their resources are low and their economic dependence high but also in the process of gaining resources. Even when women successfully move toward greater economic self-sufficiency in the form of adequate employment, greater economic independence, and selfefficacy, batterers may still interfere. Gaining economic resources may put some women at greater risk of abuse. The response clearly cannot be one that ignores or reduces efforts to build equality and economic independence among women. However, measures must be taken to increase safety precautions in our efforts.

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Implications Survivors of domestic violence, especially low-income women, often lack the resources necessary to begin a new life for themselves and their children. Financial resources are critical for battered women to find safety and gain independence from abusers if they so choose. While short-term economic resources (e.g., crisis housing, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families [TANF], food stamps) are crucial, longerterm support and development are also necessary. Economic resources and interventions are needed both for women currently in abusive relationships and for women with a history of IPV who continue to struggle from the aftermath of abuse. Women with adequate resources are likely to find it easier to live independently and avoid returning to an abusive partner. Establishing independence may run in opposition to an abuser’s goals of establishing and maintaining control. Thus, interventions must be developed carefully with safety as a central feature. While women’s physical safety must always take precedence in dealing with issues of IPV, the presence of economic abuse is a dimension of IPV that should be recognized, assessed, and addressed along with physical, sexual, and verbal dimensions. At the micro-level, for example, assessment of type and severity of abuse experienced by women should include assessing economic abuse. Two recent measures, the DV-FI (Weaver et al., 2009) and SEA (Adams et al., 2008), have been developed, which focus specifically on the financial aspects and economic abuse dimension of IPV. The qualitative findings of this study help demonstrate the unique experiences of women and suggest that in addition to standardized measures of economic abuse it is important to understand the life circumstances, safety issues, and financial strategies used by women to cope with economic abuse and take these into account when developing safety plans and programmatic responses. Community initiatives to raise awareness, from economic advocacy coalitions, and educate domestic violence advocates on the role of economic abuse and financial issues in IPV are warranted. Initiatives and awareness in this area are on the rise. Examples include REAP in which women in this study participated. With safety as the central component, the program emphasizes long-term economic development and security for low-income women, focusing on strategies that address not only basic financial skills but also seek to empower women and give them a sense of hope about their ability to safely plan for their future, through short- and long-term goals. Financial education designed explicitly for battered women has been shown to increase women’s level of financial self-efficacy (Sanders, Weaver, & Schnabel, 2007). It is important to note that women need more than financial education, however. Women need to be able to utilize the knowledge and skills they gain. That is, they need access to financial resources and tools. Advancing “financial capability,” which goes beyond financial literacy, is necessary. Financial capability is the ability of people “to understand, access, and act in their best financial interest” (Johnson & Sherraden, 2007, p. 124). Financial capability requires financial literacy but also requires access to appropriate financial products. In other words, financial capability requires both the ability to act (knowledge, skills, confidence, and motivation) and the opportunity to act (through access to beneficial

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financial products and institutions; Johnson & Sherraden, 2007). Improving financial literacy and facilitating asset development (e.g., savings, homeownership, education, business ownership) may improve women’s options for economic independence. In addition to REAP, other examples of economic initiatives include the Kentucky Domestic Violence Association (http://www.kdva.org/projects/economicjusticeproject. html) and the Allstate Foundation’s Domestic Violence Program (http://www.allstatefoundation.org/domestic-violence-program). In addition to the efforts of advocates and community-based initiatives, state and federal policy measures are needed that specifically address building economic stability among women experiencing IPV. Historically, policy supports to address domestic violence have focused on crisis shelter and services, legal assistance, and individual counseling (Davis, Hagen, & Early, 1994; Farmer & Tiefenthaler, 2003). Although critical, similar emphasis has not been placed on policy and funding to support economic security initiatives for battered women. Domestic violence service providers have been given few tools or policy support for including service components directly aimed at increasing economic options for low-income women dealing with abuse. For example, the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), first passed in 1994, increased the federal government’s financial commitment to providing legal services to victims of domestic violence under the Domestic Violence Victims’ Civil Legal Assistance Grant Program (Farmer & Tiefenthaler, 2003). A study by Farmer and Tiefenthaler (2003) finds that the increased provision of legal services for victims of domestic violence contributed to a decline in the incidence of domestic violence in the 1990s. Funding of this type has not been directed toward economic security initiatives. Historically, the VAWA has emphasized criminal justice responses to domestic violence, and community-based service responses to domestic violence, dating violence, and sexual assault. While reauthorization of VAWA in 2005 included greater recognition of the risk of losing housing and employment, there is still a need for greater recognition of the central role that poverty and financial issues play in domestic violence and the need to examine economic development initiatives with this population. Recent acknowledgment by federal entities, including the U.S. Department of the Treasury, Social Security Administration, and Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS), regarding the intersection of financial capability and domestic violence is promising. In May 2011, the U.S. Department of the Treasury, Social Security Administration, and University of Wisconsin–Madison’s Center for Financial Security convened a workshop in Washington, D.C., to bring together researchers, practitioners, policy makers and others from various fields to explore the intersection of financial capability and domestic violence (see http://www.cfs.wisc.edu). In addition, the Department of Health and Human Services Family Violence Prevention and Service Program has recently begun to work collaboratively under the Assets for Independence Act (AFI) to encourage domestic violence service providers and state coalitions to apply for AFI grants to support a greater number of IDA matched savings programs for survivors (see http://IDAresources.org). Finally, employers have an important role to play. Indeed, sympathetic employers played a crucial role in the economic well-being and safety of some of the women in this study. Recall Karen, whose employer helped facilitate the completion of her GED

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and worked with her in the allocation of her paycheck, so she had access to money for food and rent. Employer education and other employment-based initiatives are crucial for women dealing with IPV and may play an especially important role in addressing the economic abuse dimension of IPV. The state of New York provides an example of the role state government agencies and officials can play in facilitating workplace initiatives. Former New York Governor Eliot Spitzer issued an executive order requiring the adoption of domestic violence in the workplace policies by all New York State agencies. The goal of this initiative is to help create a safe working environment for all New York State employees and to assist victims of domestic violence. In addition, a private workplace policy was developed to encourage private employers to address the issue of domestic violence and the workplace. The initiative is administered through New York State’s Office for the Prevention of Domestic Violence (New York State OPDV; 2008).

Limitations Several factors limit the generalizability of the findings from this study. Women in this study were active in an economic action program and thus may have been more aware of the role that economic matters have played in their experiences of IPV. While all women in this study had current or a history of IPV, most were not currently residing with an abusive partner, most were employed at least half time, and all were lowincome. Thus, further studies are needed that examine the role of financial issues with additional samples of women, including higher income women. Current initiatives to advance the economic capability of survivors are largely aimed at low-income women. Thus, understanding the experiences of higher income women and developing appropriate interventions are also called for in future research. Acknowledgments The author wishes to acknowledge the 30 women who made this study possible by sharing their stories and experiences. Thank you to Redevelopment Opportunities for Women’s Economic Action Program (REAP) program staff who were instrumental in facilitating this study. Jason Wead, a MSW graduate student at the time of this study at the University of Missouri St. Louis, assisted in data processing and qualitative coding.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Financial support to complete qualitative interviews was provided in part by the Fahs Beck Fund for Research and Experimentation and the Center for Social Development at Washington University in St. Louis, MO.

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Author Biography Cynthia K. Sanders, PhD, is a professor in the School of Social Work, Boise State University, and a faculty associate with the Center for Social Development at Washington University in St. Louis, MO. Her research and writing focus on social and economic development with an emphasis on women. Her published works include book and journal publications on microenterprise, asset development, and financial education and services for low-income groups. She is particularly interested in initiatives and research that advance the financial capability of survivors of intimate partner violence (IPV).

The relationship between socio-economic inequalities, intimate partner violence and economic abuse: a national study of women in the Philippines.

How Has Living with Intimate Partner Violence Affected the Work Situation? A Qualitative Study among Abused Women in Norway.

Economic crisis, immigrant women and changing availability of intimate partner violence services: a qualitative study of professionals' perceptions in Spain.

Childhood Abuse, Intimate Partner Violence and Risk of Migraine Among Pregnant Women: An Epidemiologic Study.

Intimate Partner Violence Among Pregnant Young Women: A Qualitative Inquiry.

A Qualitative Study of Intimate Partner Violence Among Women in Nigeria.

A Qualitative Study of Survival Strategies Used by Low-Income Black Women Who Experience Intimate Partner Violence.

Coping with intimate partner violence: Qualitative findings from the study of dynamics of husband to wife abuse.

Circumstances leading to intimate partner violence against women married as children: a qualitative study in Urban Slums of Lahore, Pakistan.

Intimate partner violence experienced by HIV-infected pregnant women in South Africa: a cross-sectional study.

Community economic status and intimate partner violence against women in bangladesh: compositional or contextual effects?

Perceived risk, severity of abuse, expectations, and needs of women experiencing intimate partner violence.

Intimate partner violence and reproductive health among methamphetamine-using women in los angeles: a qualitative pilot study.

Professionals' perception of intimate partner violence in young people: a qualitative study in northern Spain.

Impact of Intimate Partner Forced Sex on HIV Risk Factors in Physically Abused African American and African Caribbean Women.

Burden of intimate partner violence in The Gambia - a cross sectional study of pregnant women.

What do Australian Women Experiencing Intimate Partner Abuse Want From Family and Friends?

Medical Students' Beliefs About Screening for Intimate Partner Violence: A Qualitative Study.

Intimate partner violence and women's economic and non-economic activities in Minya, Egypt.

Intimate partner violence against women in Spain: A medico-legal and criminological study.

Prospective study on the reciprocal relationship between intimate partner violence and depression among women in Korea.

PTSD personality subtypes in women exposed to intimate-partner violence.

Intimate partner violence, psychopathology and the women with schizophrenia in an outpatient clinic South-South, Nigeria.

Intimate partner violence and suicidal ideation in pregnant women.