Journal of Aging Studies 29 (2014) 78–87

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Journal of Aging Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jaging

“I will never be the granny with rosy cheeks”: Perceptions of aging in precarious and financially secure middle-aged Germans Catrinel Craciun a,b,⁎, Uwe Flick a a b

Department of Education and Psychology, Qualitative Research on Human Development, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany Babe -Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history: Received 22 October 2013 Received in revised form 29 January 2014 Accepted 29 January 2014 Available online 19 February 2014 Keywords: Precariousness Middle-aged adults Perceptions of aging

a b s t r a c t Nowadays people are growing old in a context where youth culture is the norm and where self-initiative is required in order to prepare for a good old age. However, planning old age may be more difficult for certain social groups with insecure work and living conditions. Precariousness, defined as bad financial conditions but also as having an insecure, unpredictable existence, has been little studied in the context of aging. This study brings its contribution by exploring how middle-aged adults with different social security backgrounds (insurance versus no insurance) think about aging. Episodic interviews were conducted to explore their concepts of aging, contexts of thinking about aging and perceptions of aging. These were compared between groups who have a secure old age ahead of them (N = 10) versus those who have to struggle with an uncertain present and future (N = 10). Also, differences between men (N = 11) and women (N = 9) were addressed. Results of the thematic analysis showed the predominance of fears related to aging as well as an emerging meaninglessness attached to old age. Starting from the different images of aging found in the two studied groups, the need for tailored interventions and policy are discussed. © 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

I have a lot of money… I have other possibilities compared to the average pensioner…they (pensioners) have a boring life! (HK, m, 60, secure pension).

Introduction Medical and technological advances in the last decades have made longer lives possible (Minichiello, Sommerville, McConaghy, McParlane, & Scott, 2005). At the same time, elderly people face the challenge of filling these last years of their lives with meaning while enjoying them fully. The psychological dimension of the new demographic reality is well captured in the advertisement of an important German bank offering private ⁎ Corresponding author at: Freie Universität Berlin, Habelschwerdter Allee 45, D-14195 Berlin, Germany. Tel.: +49 15773306401. 0890-4065/$ – see front matter © 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaging.2014.01.003

pension services to people over 50: “There is still a lot to discover and experience, if you are well insured for old age. It is in your hands”. Once people reach middle-age, they are targeted by the cosmetic industry, which promises to preserve youth, magazines teaching them how to stay young and fit, public policy encouraging them to stay socially engaged and insurance agents offering protection from poverty in old age. More and more role models appear such as Tina Turner smiling on the cover of a fashion magazine and looking like a 40 year old in her successful seventies. These are contrasted with frightening images of the poor, lonely pensioner abandoned in an institution. Selfinitiative for organizing one's life in old age is encouraged (Ekerdt & Clark, 2001; Litwin & Meir, 2013) and middle-aged adults face the task of choosing which images of aging they want to identify with and which ones they want to reject (Minkler & Holstein, 2008; Smirnova, 2012; Tesch-Römer & Wurm, 2012).

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Living in the “age of uncertainty” (Bauman, 2007), characterized by strong individualization (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002), means that people are expected to be individuals who act as “free choosers” and bear the consequences of their choices (Bauman, 2007). But are middle-aged adults, who are growing old in these uncertain times, prepared to make these choices and how do they imagine their aging process? Precariousness has been little discussed in aging research (Portacolone, 2013). However, nowadays, due to the rising number of “precarious workers” (i.e. without retirement and health plans) who have become part of the European social reality (Bresson, 2010), this topic started to receive more attention. Precariousness is understood not only as possessing insufficient material resources, but also as an existence defined by insecurity and unpredictability, which can influence people's thoughts and behaviors (Portacolone, 2013) including their perceptions of aging. In Western societies, characterized by market liberalization policies and a weakening welfare state (Castel, 2000), the state institutions become less capable of protecting its aging citizens against a decrease in quality of life due to illness and poverty (Castel, 2003). The climate of social insecurity (Castel, 2003), the individualization ideology (Beck, 2002) and the deterioration of social bonds (Castel, 2000; Stuifbergen, Dykstra, Lanting, & van Delden, 2010) could make precariousness a problem for healthy aging also in developed countries such as Germany. Having the largest population over 65 in Europe (Abrams, Vauclair, & Swift, 2011), Germany was described as an aging society (Harper, 2006) with a full social political agenda in what concerns the risk for poverty in old age (Vogel & MotelKlingebiel, 2013). People with precarious jobs (i.e. freelancers, low-paid jobs), single parents and immigrants were identified as having higher risk for poverty in old age (Ziegelmeyer, 2013). Since the state cannot provide for their pensions, it encourages self-initiative (Frommert & Himmelreicher, 2013) making individuals more responsible for their healthy aging. Previous studies have shown that positive images of aging can influence better health in old age (Levy, 2003). However, having to struggle with an uncertain future perspective may trigger negative representations of aging. This can lead to health inequalities in old age as certain groups may experience worse health, lower well-being and higher dependency on the social system. Thus, it becomes relevant to ask: How do people with an insecure financial situation for their retirement think about aging? How do their representations differ from those of individuals who have a secure financial future ahead? To what extent do individuals with insecure pensions hold negative views of aging and individuals with secure pension hold positive views of aging? Perceptions of aging have been shown to be shaped by personal experiences (Sellers & Bolender, 2010). Therefore, it is important to explore the contexts (i.e. experiences and situations they talk about) that frame the thoughts about aging of middleaged adults and shape their aging perceptions. Having a secure job or secure financial resources may allow these people to think more about their pension insurance as advised by insurance companies (Bode & Wilke, 2013) and thus experience less anxiety about aging and have more positive perceptions of aging. Starting from this premise, the present study investigates perceptions of aging in a group of people who have a secure pension plan and compares them to those of a group of

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people who have an insecure pension plan. It also looks at definitions of aging provided by people from the two groups and the contexts in which they think about aging. The working hypothesis is that middle-aged adults with a precarious background have different representations of aging as compared to those with a secure pension and that the first tend to have more negative aging representations than the latter. Placing images of aging and health in a social context Since precariousness has been given little attention in aging research (Portacolone, 2013), more information and in-depth studies are needed on perceptions of aging among individuals with precarious backgrounds. Therefore, the present study aims to contribute to the existing literature by exploring perceptions of aging in middle aged individuals with different pension insurance (i.e. no insurance versus good insurance) for their old age. According to the social representation theory (Moscovici, 1988), the views on aging held within a certain culture are a form of shared cultural representation on aging. They encompass a system of ideas, values and customs that are treated by the members of society as part of their own reality. Images of aging encompass both positive and negative aspects and reflect a mix of accurate perceptions of age-related changes and distorted perceptions of older people. Self-perceptions of aging are defined as personal evaluations of one's aging process (Moser, Spagnoli, & Santos-Eggimann, 2011) and are influenced by aging stereotypes which are acquired from everyday social environments (Bennett & Gaines, 2010; Levy, 2003). In Western societies, aging has been described as a phenomenon accompanied by prejudice, discrimination and negative images among all social groups, including the young, the elderly and care-giving professionals (Ron, 2007). Based on existing values emphasizing “youth culture” and productivity (Levy, 1996), old age is mostly associated with decline and uselessness (Paton, Sar, & Barber, 2001). Thus, in Western cultures, individuals could be more likely to develop negative perceptions of aging. Moreover, positive aging policy discourses, emphasizing the importance of activity and engagement in old age, are becoming more popular in Western societies (Biggs, 2001). Living in precarious circumstances could make it harder for middle-aged individuals to reach the ideals of activity, health and well-being in old age. Compared to more financially secured persons they might not feel empowered to imagine and prepare for a positive old age. Previous research has shown the importance of selfperceptions of aging for health. For instance, longitudinal studies have shown that positive self-perceptions of aging influence health (Levy, Hausdorff, Hencke, & Wei, 2000; Moser et al., 2011), engagement in health behavior (Levy & Myers, 2004; Wurm, Tesch-Römer, & Tomasik, 2007; Wurm, Tomasik, & Tesch-Römer, 2008; Wurm, Tomasik, & TeschRömer, 2010) and mortality (Levy, Slade, & Kasl, 2002) even when socio-demographic factors are controlled for. They are also shown to improve cognitive functioning such as memory performance (Levy & Langer, 1994). Nevertheless, negative images of aging have harmful consequences on health (Levy, 2003). Individuals living in precarious circumstances, characterized by uncertainty and instability, might hold more

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negative images of aging and thus be at risk of experiencing negative emotions, illness and dependency as compared to more financially secure persons. Images of aging have been investigated across age groups (Kotter-Grühn, Gerstorf, Kleinspehn-Ammerlahn, & Smith, 2009; Ron, 2007), in inter-cultural and cross-cultural contexts (Eyetsemian, Gire, Khaleefa, & Satiardama, 2003; Macia, Lahmam, Baali, Boetsch, & Chapuis-Lucciani, 2009; Yun & Lachman, 2006), as a comparison between genders in terms of body perceptions and aging (Montepare, 2006), or gender aging representations in advertisement (Prieler, Kohlbacher, Hagiwara, & Arima, 2011). However, they have not been investigated in different social contexts that could also shape the way people think about aging. Moreover, although middle age is a stage in life when people may start to identify with their negative aging stereotypes, while they are also more malleable to change these, views of aging have been little studied in this group. Existing research has focused mostly on young people (Chasteen, Schwarz, & Park, 2002), elderly (Duay & Bryan, 2011; Gruenewald, Karlamangla, Greendale, Singer, & Seeman, 2007; Horton & Baker, 2008; Ron, 2007; Sellers & Bolender, 2010) or on perceptions of retirement (Van Solinge, 2007). Since images of aging shape expectations and the ways people cope with their own aging (Levy, 2003; Levy & Myers, 2004) as well as their behaviors towards older people in their lives (Pasupathi & Löckenhoff, 2002), it becomes important to study images of aging in this age group. Moreover, since different social contexts (i.e. secure versus precarious) might generate different images of aging, it is relevant to study these in their social frameworks. Method Data collection The episodic interview (Flick, 2000, 2009; Flick, GarmsHomolová, & Röhnsch, 2012) was chosen as a data collection method for the present study. The basic assumption of the episodic interview is that life experiences are encoded and remembered as narrative, episodic knowledge (based on concrete life situations) and semantic knowledge (abstract concepts and the relations between them). Earlier studies (Flick, Walter, Fischer, Neuber, & Schwartz, 2004; Flick et al., 2012) showed that the episodic interview is useful not only for encouraging interviewees to talk about abstract definitions and beliefs and their influences, but also for contextualizing their experiences in real life situations. Semantic knowledge includes abstract and generalized concepts and the relations between these (Flick, 2009). For example, it would comprise images of aging such as how they think an old person looks, thinks and behaves and definitions that try to explain what aging actually means. Episodic knowledge is closer to experience because it refers to concrete events and situations (Flick et al., 2012). For instance, in the case of the present research, episodic knowledge about aging could be organized around a specific precarious context (i.e. one does not have a pension plan, one has a part-time job and needs to support one or two children, etc.). It can also include situations when one thinks about aging, direct experiences with older people or with one's own process of aging. In order to gain insight into episodic knowledge, questions were designed to stimulate the interviewee to recount

stories. Targeted, concrete questions were asked in order to explore semantic knowledge. The episodic interview provided the opportunity to gather data through the stories that people chose to tell on a certain topic, thus informing on both experiences and their generative contexts. For instance, in addition to asking participants to define positive aging (semantic knowledge), they were also asked to recount stories that would explain further what positive aging meant to them (episodic knowledge). This provided them with the opportunity to think about role models or situations when they were compelled to contemplate or prepare for positive aging. The choice of stories and their presentation (i.e. storytelling or argumentation) offer relevant information for the aims of this analysis. Also, each story that is told (episodic knowledge) is connected to a certain abstract concept (semantic knowledge). For instance, stories about old people who are positive role models are connected to general stereotypes of older people. The interview guide was designed to elicit stories about the interview topic (e.g.: “Can you give me an example to illustrate what you associate with aging?”), to encourage participants to fantasize about possible scenarios (e.g.: “How would positive aging look”?) or asks for subjective definitions (e.g. “What does aging mean to you?”) or abstract relations between concepts (e.g., “In your opinion what is the relation between positive aging and health?”). Eleven questions were formulated on people's perceptions of aging, representations of positive aging and resources for growing old in a healthy way. The questions targeting representations of aging were focused on people's subjective definitions of aging: “How can you tell that someone is old? Can you give me some examples?” and their perceptions of aging “What does aging mean to you? What do you associate with aging?”. Another question referred to contexts and situations when people think about aging “Is aging a topic that you think about? If yes, can you give me some examples of situations when you think about aging?”. Participants Our study has targeted the age group of 40 to 65, since this age represents the middle age stage of life according to the definition given by Birren and Schaie (1995). A number of persons who could be at risk of precarious aging (i.e. insecure pension plan, bad health insurance) were chosen. To contrast their situation, people who have a good insurance for old age (i.e. private pension insurance, having financial capital from other sources such as business or real estate) were also recruited. Other inclusion criteria were that people have German citizenship, they are living and working in Germany. This criterion was applied in order to make sure that the people with immigrant background included in the sample have the same chances as the ones with a German ethnic background when it comes to choices about aging. All participants declared to be in good health, since physical problems add to the burden of preparation for old age and also interfere with the representation of aging (people with multimorbidity might have a more negative view of aging due to their health problems). Berlin was chosen as a city to recruit and conduct the interviews because it has been described in the literature as a city where the old age poverty risk is on the rise, with an

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increasing number of older people living from state social assistance (Sallmon, 2013). Also, it offered the possibility to recruit persons that grew up in the former German Democratic Republic or in the Federal Republic of Germany as well as persons with an immigrant background. A total of 20 participants (11 men and 9 women), with ages ranging from 40 to 65, were recruited for the study. Half of the sample (N = 10) were free-lancers (i.e. had no stable employment) and had none or very little insurance for old age (for example, some had a job earning around 400 euros a month from which 20 euros would go for their pension and they would have to live from state social insurance in old age). The characteristics of the sample are summarized in Table 1.

Procedure Participants were approached by the researcher at their workplace (i.e. the participants who managed a shop or coffee place) or at leisure centers (i.e. dance schools, adult education centers, community meeting centers) in Berlin neighborhoods which were chosen as representative for what used to be Western and Eastern parts of the city before the reunification of Germany. Other participants were recruited using snowball referrals (Van Wagenen, Driskel, & Bradford, 2013). At the beginning of each interview, participants were informed about the research aims and gave their informed consent for participation. They also completed a short questionnaire asking them about gender, years of education, ethnic background, German citizenship, type of job and pension insurance. All interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim and reviewed for quality of the transcription. Interviews were conducted by the first author of the study, between November 2012 and August 2013. Interviews lasted between 40 min and 90 min, giving each participant the possibility to answer all questions included in the guide.

Table 1 Demographic characteristics of the sample. Demographic characteristics

N (% of the sample)

Gender Male Female

11 (55%) 9 (45%)

Ethnic background German Latin American African Middle eastern

17 (85%) 1 (5%) 1 (5%) 1 (5%)

Education Low (less than 8 years of education) Middle (8–12 years of education) High

2 (10%) 4 (20%) 14 (70%)

Employment Free lancers Stable employment

10 (50%) 10 (50%)

Pension insurance Low or no pension insurance Good pension insurance (state or private)

10 (50%) 10 (50%)

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Data analysis The process of analysis was conducted following the principles of case specific thematic coding (Flick, 2009). This method was chosen as it was designed for comparative studies where the studied groups are defined already within the research question. The underlying assumption is that in different social groups, differing views can be found concerning the same topic. All interviews were first analyzed as a series of case studies and each one was described in terms of characteristics of the interviewed person, summary of what was said and a motto that represented the specific case. Starting from the analysis of one case, a thematic structure with several dimensions was determined to aid comparison between the groups. The dimensions chosen for comparison were: definitions of aging, contexts of thinking about aging, representations about aging (i.e. fears, hopes, expectations, beliefs). Based on these dimensions, all cases were analyzed and grouped together according to their main characteristics. All the cases within one group were further analyzed based on their similarities. The analysis of cases between groups was focused on the differences existing between the groups (i.e. secure versus insecure pensions and men versus women). The resulting patterns were than analyzed and interpreted based on the research questions. The patterns that emerged in the four groups are presented in the Results section. Results Concepts of aging Participants were asked to identify someone as being old. This generated a series of definitions that focused on criteria for defining someone as being old and a discussion on the difficulties of categorizing someone just on the basis of their chronological age. Also, participants talked about how they look for signs of aging in themselves. As a result of this line of inquiry, three patterns were identified. The body as age identity card This pattern refers to recognizing that a person is old by visible physical signs of aging such as his/her appearance (i.e. gray hair, wrinkles) and movements (for instance walking slowly, walking with difficulty or hesitantly). For 15 participants, aging is defined as a set of physical characteristics that one can use to categorize a person as being old. These participants also included in their concept of aging several physical symptoms that they themselves experienced such as feeling pain (i.e. lower back pain) or lack of energy (i.e. they get tired more often, feel they cannot do so many things as before). As old age is perceived by most participants as something which can be seen or felt, physical vulnerability or dependency represent relevant worries connected to aging. Both categories of participants describe old age in terms of a disease with symptoms which one could prevent by engaging in health behavior (i.e. eating a healthy diet, engaging in physical exercise, going for regular medical check-ups). This kind of perception of negative physical signs is associated with feelings of anxiety in precarious and secure individuals alike, as one participant mentioned: Aging is not pleasant…you start to notice your eyes are not good enough, you

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need glasses…you start to put on weight…and you panic and you start jogging…(HK, m, 60, secure1). The changing self The changing self refers to conceptualizing aging as awareness of change, namely in one's personality, thinking patterns or just realizing you become older by increased awareness of the passage of time. The central element in the participant's definitions is the awareness of having changed and of changing; “Actually you are aware that you are becoming another person, that more illnesses will come…” (CS, m, 48, insecure). Cognitive aspects related to aging were mentioned by both secure and precarious participants such as: becoming forgetful, being more rigid, becoming less open to change and experiencing difficulties in taking in new information. One participant mentioned that first aging begins “in your head, there is where you start to change, you become more depressed and without life energy” (HK, m, 60, secure). These cognitive changes are followed by physical decline and loss of productivity. Several participants argued that people become conservative in their way of thinking, less open to change. One woman mentioned that as they age, people become more prone to believe everything they read or hear. Thus, they are more susceptible to advertisements. In this context, aging was described again as a disease, as becoming “more crazy” (TS, f, 55, secure). Another woman talked about aging being recognizable by a change in worldview that is more conservative, dominated by “outdated ideas”. Two participants talked about changes in personality. One emphasized the negative aspects, talking about how he noticed, by observing himself, that he had become more disillusioned and less nice to others. However, one participant stressed more positive aspects such as having become more tolerant and open towards others as time goes by. Another participant defined aging by increasing awareness of the passage of time. In his view, a person suddenly realizes that the time perspective is limited and they have less time ahead of them than one has already lived. This moment is associated also with the perception of a changing self in the context of a limited time perspective. Both precarious and secure individuals perceive mostly negative changes related to the aging self. While the first category is more concerned with the possibility of losing the physical energy and mental clarity required for work, the latter are more worried about losing their looks, dreams and ability to enjoy life. Breaking the clichés Aging was also defined in contrast with the existing negative stereotypes about old age and the appearance and behavior of older people. Participants talked about the modern context and how it influences the way old people look and behave. Moreover, they mention how difficult it has become to estimate a person's age:

1 Represents the initials in order to protect the anonymity of participants, the gender of the participant, age and status of insurance for old age-secure or insecure.

“I mean nowadays it has become just a cliché that we grew up with, that old people have …wrinkles and they always stay at home and do nothing… or they are in the old people's home…these clichés are not valid anymore, what I see around me are old people that are active, are going around with their Ipads and from looks you cannot tell that someone is actually 70 years old, as you could have told before…” (CS, m, 48, insecure). Chronological age is not considered an indicator of old age and other criteria such as activity level and interest in the world are regarded as more important. Especially if someone does not “act the part” he/she is placed outside the old people group. Some participants mentioned that the amount of life experience can make one person who is young in years, think and act as someone that is older. Negative life experience is associated with old age: This girl was at 30 already so old… although according to her age she was young, she had experienced so many bad things that she was old …(PL, m, 48, insecure). Although both categories of participants agree that the cliché image of the old person is changing, the precarious middle-aged participants were more concerned with the topic of “staying fit as long as possible”. Contexts that trigger negative and positive thoughts about aging When asked whether aging represents a topic that they think about and if yes, in which situations, participants generated several examples and stories to illustrate the contexts when they think about aging. These can be included in the following three patterns. Comparison refers to contexts where middle-aged individuals compare themselves either to the older generation represented by their parents or the younger generation represented by their children or youth in general. Comparison with the generation of the parents is characterized by fears that one could also end up ill and dependent. One situation that is often mentioned is observing one's parents as they age, or having to care for an older family member (parents, grandparents, aunts): My father is 90… around 5 years ago I realised that he is old because he usually forgets something, he walks with difficulty…he falls down, he worries…(TS, f, 55, secure). Some people are scared of getting illnesses associated with aging themselves, or they get worried when they look at themselves in the mirror and compare what they see with a younger version of themselves: When you look at yourself in the mirror it is a bit scary, you realize you have aged…and you think about the people you know that have dementia…a mother, or a grandmother, and you are scared you will also get it (SK, f, 48, secure). Comparison with the young is to the disadvantage of both categories of middle-aged individuals and usually describes what one cannot do anymore. For instance, one woman recounted a story about comparing herself with her children and focusing on what she could not do any more: “You look at your children and you realize you were also once like that…” (SK, f, 48, secure). A participant with a precarious background gave an example of an older woman who, despite being very

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active, suddenly realized she is old while comparing herself to younger women. Identification with a problem generation refers to identifying with the “problem generation” of people in their 50s. Aging is described as the “theme” of this generation: I think it is the main topic of conversation in our group of friends…there is always someone who is ill and they are all getting older, they are reaching 50, which is also such a magic date when one starts thinking you are not so young anymore…(BC, f, 50, insecure). The topic of aging is discussed in terms of several financial worries, as this group perceive themselves as a generation that has no insurance for old age: “It is going to be a brutal problem for my generation” (KW, m, 48, insecure). Financial worries dominate the tendency to identifying with a problem generation that is at risk, because of poverty and dependence in old age. This thinking pattern emerged only in the group of people without good insurance for their old age. Imagining possible selves refers to contexts where people think about how to invest old age with meaning and what concrete activities they should do as old persons. To some, old age appears to be a segment of time that will be difficult to fill and to give meaning to. They seem to have difficulties in finding meaningful activities for this stage of their lives. One woman mentioned that she thinks about aging when she looks for role models, when she thinks about a new start in life: “I think about it a lot and I look for role models of women in their 40s or 50s who make decisions by themselves and also start something new with their lives…” (DD, f, 60, insecure). However, some people cannot afford to think about aging: I believe many people do not think about aging in a concrete way, because they do not have the possibilities…I have a special situation…I could continue working but I do not need to financially…(BM, m, 40, secure). Fears about the future When asked what they themselves associate with aging, most participants talked about their fears related to old age and the negative expectations that underlie these. Fears related to aging were mentioned by 17 participants. These comprise the fear of being dependent, fear of loneliness in old age, fear of being unproductive and fear of being unattractive. Fears are connected with negative expectations about old age, such as decline, awful changes to come and avoidance behaviors such as trying not to think about aging and making no concrete plans. The fear of being dependent is the most common, found in both groups of participants. It is related to being vulnerable because of physical decline (i.e. lack of energy, illness) and mental decline (i.e. one becomes gullible and forgetful): “it is such a big fear that you are going to be without protection…”(TS, f, 55, secure). Moreover, both categories of interviewed individuals seem concerned by dependency on a pension and health systems that are perceived as exploitative and untrustworthy: to be dependent on the State…or the health system…not for me…or old people's homethey are building ghettos for old people! (HK, m, 60, secure). On the other hand, financial security in old age is associated with being able to decide for yourself, not being dependent on others to do so: “in my case, I have no financial needs…my ability to decide for myself must stay…as long as I can decide for myself, that is security” (ZI, f, 64, secure). The fear of being alone is connected to that of being vulnerable. Being alone in old age

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means not being able to count on anybody when having problems, being left exposed to face life's challenges and, possibly crisis. The fear of being unproductive is reflected by the thought that young people become better: “younger people simply walk faster” (DD, f, 60, insecure). This is connected to the feeling that one is not that useful for society anymore, which is found among the precarious participants: “I believe in our society there is a value scale, at the higher end are the ones that are young and healthy who can work and the ones who need care are at the other far end of the scale, there is a form of social evaluation.. you do not have to conform to it, but it exists” (WD, m, 53, insecure). The fear of not being attractive, not being desirable because of loss of good looks was mentioned especially by women: when I look at myself in the mirror I see I have aged…it is normal, but I also find it awful (SK, f, 48, secure). Negative expectations take shape in a focus on losses in the present and in the future. Participants with negative representations of aging talked about expecting to experience increasing decline with old age, physical as well as mental. Decline is always described in contrast with what is perceived as a desirable old age, characterized by activity, health, productivity and usefulness. A meaningless old age Participants from both groups said that they preferred not to think about aging at all and found various arguments for their choice: they are too busy at the moment, or they do not think they will have a typical old age when they will be retired “I have no representation of old age because I cannot imagine not working any more” (BC, f, 50, insecure), they seem to have no concrete representation of what they would do and how it was going to be like: I am hanging in a vacuum at the moment…I am so focused on the present and I am so undecided…I expect all and nothing from old age…(CS, m, 48, insecure). One participant also specifically mentioned that he did not want to make concrete plans for old age “because when you make plans then fears of loss increase and it is better to learn to live in the present even in old age…otherwise it makes no sense to think about my pension …as perhaps I will not have one” (GI, m, 53, insecure). A time of being grateful and a time for hope Hopes related to aging were identified by 9 participants and comprise feelings of satisfaction, positive expectations about finding new tasks that would give meaning to old age. The ones who have hope for old age are the ones who are open to planning for this part of their lives. Secure and precarious participants alike hope to reach a feeling of satisfaction in old age and of being thankful for what one has achieved or has acquired and focus on the opportunities that old age offers (i.e. more time for oneself): For the first time in my life, I will be able to see myself (ZI, f, 64, secure). Old age itself can be seen as an achievement: “it is a big chance to become old as many people do not reach old age because of illness or so” (WD, m, 53, insecure). Wisdom represents one good thing to be gained with aging: “I hope I will become more satisfied with life, with other people and with myself as I grow older” (GI, m, 53, insecure). This may also involve getting

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better at handling problems “I would say it gets easier after you turn 40” (KW, m, 48, insecure). For the secure individuals, hopeful thought patterns are connected to engagement behavior as some people expect to be able to put their life experience to good use: “I get older but not old, I earn more life experience” (UB, m, 40, secure). Engagement refers to constructive behavior, such as making concrete plans for old age and thinking about how to find meaning in old age. Some participants find meaning in doing something useful for others; for example, one woman said: one should not stick just to family, one should get involved in the public sphere, take on tasks for society (CB, f, 64, secure). To have a task in old age is considered very important in the group of secure participants, as one of them describes “because when you don't have your work and you do not have something to replace it with…you feel stupid and lonely…you have to figure out how to fill your days when you don't work anymore” (BM, m, 40, secure). Participants with a precarious background focus on figuring out a way to make ends meet in old age and on developing the necessary wisdom to deal with life's problems in a relaxed manner. Discussion Not having financial security in the present may influence middle-aged people in their thoughts and perceptions about aging. The present study wishes to contribute to the literature by exploring the perceptions of aging in an emerging group of middle-aged German “precarious workers” (Bresson, 2010), namely individuals without retirement and health plans, and compare them to groups of adults who are well insured for old age. When talking about how they identify someone as being old, most participants mentioned the body as an age identity card. This lends support to previous studies showing that, as they age, adults tend to be more concerned about their physical appearance and internal body functions, while anxiety about aging is associated with increased preoccupation with one's internal physical state (Montepare, 2009). Present results show that body concerns related to looks are more present in women, confirming existing findings (Montepare, 1996), while men worry about their health and energy level. On the whole, people who have a secure insurance for old age worry about their health, while the ones without a secure insurance worry that they will not be energetic enough to work until they reach their seventies. The social pressure of looking young and being active seems to be greater in the uninsured group, since they have to struggle for survival in the present as well as in the upcoming future. One participant from the uninsured group described this as the feeling of “living in a vacuum” that leads to “expecting all and nothing” (CS, m, 48, insecure). The present study contributes to the existing literature by showing that not having a secure financial situation may lead to engaging in no preparations for old age. Aging is described in both participant groups as being almost a disease which manifests itself through physical symptoms and mental signs of decline, such as memory loss. Being perceived as a disease, aging becomes “preventable” and some participants described how they engage in “aging preventing” actions, such as physical exercise and healthy eating patterns. However, trying to prevent it, means that

one does not accept aging as a normal part of life (Mykytyn, 2008) and is prone to become an adept of the anti-aging philosophy and consumer of anti-aging products (Katz & Marshall, 2003; Moody, 2005; Smirnova, 2012). The pattern of changing self stands for the idea that “you become another person”, which means that by aging you are not yourself any more or one does not want to identify with this new version of oneself, basically with what they see when they look at oneself in the mirror. The changing self is a source of anxiety for most participants, because it is associated with the loss of one's identity “you are not yourself anymore” (CS, m, 48, insecure). Present results show that in addition to fearing decline, middle-aged people understand aging as becoming someone else, someone they do not know and can't really define. In this context, fear of aging becomes fearing the unknown and could lead to experiencing anxiety. Breaking the clichés of seeing old people as inactive and ill could be regarded as a positive thing. However, the image of the old person remains undefined and is replaced by the “still young looking” and “still active”, which stands for a prolonged middle adulthood. This reinforces the idea of “agelessness” which has been criticized in previous studies, because of its negative consequences (Andrews, 1999; Kaufman, 1986; McHugh, 2000). The present study shows that both categories of middle-aged persons understand aging successfully as staying young and do not really perceive positive aspects in old age itself. Moreover, results point to the fact that it is becoming more difficult to define old age as a life stage and to find criteria to estimate a person's age. This lends support to previous literature pointing to the blurring of boundaries between life stages (Katz & Marshall, 2003) and to the emergence of a forth age in the social imaginary (Gilleard & Higgs, 2013). If positive aging means staying young for as long as possible, and retirement does not equal old age, than the question remains what does characterize old age in the present social context? Thoughts about aging are shaped by a person's social context, and in return, shape this by the actions taken to cope with the aging experience. Also, these contexts connect to certain perceptions of aging. For instance, there are contexts that trigger fears of growing old and there are contexts that may trigger the desire for personal development. Three main themes have been identified in relation to the contexts in which people think about aging: comparison, identification with a “problem generation” and imagining possible selves. Comparison refers to comparing with the older and the younger generation, but also with the younger version of oneself. It triggers negative emotions such as fear of becoming ill like one's parents, being a “less energetic”, “less attractive” version of oneself or being overtaken by the young generation. Comparison has been shown in previous studies to be one of the paths by which people internalize stereotypes about aging (Bennett & Gaines, 2010). Identification refers to perceiving oneself as belonging to a problem generation that is around 50 and could have a lot of financial problems in the future. While comparison was present in both groups of participants, identification with a “problem generation” emerged only in the precarious group. This makes the latter more prone to worries about aging and less willing to engage in proactive coping efforts. Furthermore, results show that the concept of a problematic aging

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generation is understood as the consequence of a social context characterized by precariousness. Imagining possible selves means having a context that enables one to look for role models for positive aging and plan for old age. However, results point to the fact that these contexts may be possible only when one is financially secure. Fears about aging (of being dependent on others or the system, of being unattractive or unproductive) were predominant in both groups. They were associated with negative expectations (decline, awful changes, loss of looks and abilities) and beliefs (i.e. old people have boring lives, old people are like small children). Previous research has shown that positive images of aging influence people's longevity (Levy et al., 2002), health and health behavior engagement (Levy, 2003). Thus, people with secure pension plans are prone to live longer and experience good health in old age, while those with insecure financial futures are prone to experience the harmful consequences of their negative aging perceptions. Women with an insecure pension seem to be the most at risk of experiencing health inequalities in old age since they are under the double burden of financial insecurity and evaluating themselves by using an attractiveness standard (Bazzini, McIntosh, Smith, Cook, & Harris, 1997). Fears of becoming dependent in old age or inutility reflect western thought patterns of individual achievement, independence and productivity (Ron, 2007) which help distinguish between “successful” and “unsuccessful” agers (Katz, 2000). Staying active, deciding for yourself, being productive for society can be regarded as expressions of an internalized successful aging discourse. However, this excludes those people who cannot meet the standards of health, independence and productivity. The discrepancy between the successful aging discourse and existing negative aging perceptions may give rise to fears and feelings of self-hatred in old age in both groups. Results point to the fact that precarious and secure middle-aged persons do have different images of their aging. However, these are not more negative in one group in particular. Fears as well as hopes about aging are present in both study groups. Precarious individuals tend to fear their future inutility and unproductiveness, while secure persons tend to fear lack of meaning in old age as well as loss of good looks and health. The first wish is mainly for wisdom in old age to help them deal with life's insecurities, while the latter wish is to have a purposeful task to give meaning to their retirement years. The discourse that the two groups use in order to talk about aging is dominated by words expressing fears or wishes. The most common mentioned fears are those of dependency and lack of purpose. Wishes are expressed using words that reflect engagement, free choice and calmness. These discourses reflect the broader framework of successful aging (Rowe & Kahn, 1997) that has shaped policy and interventions regarding aging during the last decades. This has been criticized for being ageist in nature because of its denial of physical signs of old age, advocating the cultural ideal of agelessness (Kaufman, 1986), emphasis placed on the busy ethic (you are still worth something if you are doing lots of activities in old age) and pressure for social engagement (Minkler & Holstein, 2008), selling a capitalist “lifestyle” (Katz & Marshall, 2003) and discriminating those who might not be as independent and productive in their old age

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(Katz, 2000). Harmonious aging (Liang & Luo, 2012) emerged as an alternative paradigm for understanding positive aging. The authors argue for harmony understood as differences rather than uniformity and a dynamic balance in all spheres of life (Hochsmann, 2004). In contrast to the self-denying mechanism of successful aging, harmonious aging encourages self-acceptance and integration of body and mind. For instance, present findings showing the body as an age identity card reflect the successful aging paradigm that encourages a mind-body dissociation. The harmonious aging paradigm advocates self-acceptance through the integration of the mental and physical aspects of the aging person (Liang & Luo, 2012) and might therefore represent a better framework for designing health promotion interventions for aging individuals. The successful aging paradigm ignores cultural aspects that might influence the aging process, such as different images of aging emerging in various social contexts. The present study contributes to the literature by showing how a precarious social context leads to developing different images of aging as compared to a secure context. This result might fit better in the harmonious aging paradigm that acknowledges the fact that each person has a unique interpretation of the meaning in old age. Starting from this premise, interventions can be tailored to the needs of individuals with precarious or secure lifestyles in order that they can enjoy a good old age. For example, interventions targeting precarious middle-aged persons could help them cope with life's insecurities and make plans to prevent financial insecurity in old age. Interventions targeting financially secure persons could address finding meaningful activities for the retirement years. Earlier studies have pointed to the fact that since individuals tend to live longer, healthier lives, the welfare state faces the challenge of designing policies that help citizens find meaning in their old age (Komp, van Kersbergen, & van Tilburg, 2013). Germany represents a particular case with a policy mixture in what concerns “designing” old age. On the one hand there are conservative policies reflecting the retreat of state institutions and encouraging self-initiative in what concerns saving for retirement. On the other hand, there are social policies protecting individuals from poverty in old age (Berner, 2006) or stimulating elderly volunteer work and creating the idea of civic participation (Alscher, Dathe, Priller & Speth, 2009). Present findings contribute to the existing literature by showing the need to develop policies tailored to the needs of the precarious and secure groups. For example, the precarious group would benefit from social policies that enable them to enjoy a carefree old age, while financially secure individuals can make use of policies that encourage civic engagement and self-initiative. Earlier studies have shown that not all old persons are vulnerable to the same degree and different resources (i.e. state, family or individual) are needed to increase well-being in various aging groups (Moor, de Graaf, & Komter, 2013). Results from the present study attempt to contribute to the debate of what kind of vulnerability concerning old age perspectives emerges in precarious versus financially secure middle-aged groups. One limitation of the present study is the small number of participants. However, this being a qualitative study, the emphasis was not on generalizing findings, but on understanding how middle-aged persons from different social contexts think about aging. Considering the fact that the topic

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of precariousness in the context of old age has been given little attention until now and the quality of hard to reach group that the precarious individuals posses, qualitative methodology has been considered the best option for answering the research questions. Nevertheless, future studies need to address the issue by testing images of aging with larger groups, applying quantitative methods and longitudinal designs. Gender differences within the groups of precarious and secure individuals should also be explored. Also, although present findings are characteristic of the German context, they might serve as an incentive of exploring this topic in other cultural settings. Living in a particular social context influences how people think and talk about meaning (O'Connor & Chamberlain, 1996). Thus, in an uncertain social context, it may not come as a surprise that aging is associated with fears or a lack of meaning. This may also be the result of “selling retirement” in financial planning advertisements that construct retirement as a difficult and anxious task (Ekerdt & Clark, 2001). A challenge for practice and interventions is how to change the discourse about aging so that more people can perceive it as a time for being thankful and finding new life tasks. Moreover, there is a need to create new images of aging for the group of middle aged people growing old in uncertain social circumstances. As one participant described it “I will never be that granny with rosy cheeks, going on a bus tour to Vatican” (TS, f, 55, secure). Thus, the question of “who will I be in old age?” remains an open one. By developing new images of old age one could replace representations of the “ageless” old person that can lead to setting unrealistic goals for old age as well as fears and depression due to a mismatch between the success standards and the lived reality of old age. Acknowledgment We would like to thank the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation for making this study possible by providing a post-doctoral fellowship to the first author of this study. References Abrams, D., Vauclair, M., & Swift, H. (2011). Predictors of attitudes to age across Europe (Research Report No. 735). London: Department for Work and Pensions. Alscher, M., Dathe, D., Priller, E., & Speth, R. (2009). Bericht zur Lage und zu den Perspektiven des bürgerschaftlichen Engagements in Deutschland [Report about the Situation and Perspectives of Civic Volunteering in Germany]. Berlin: Bundesministerium für Familie, Seniroen, Frauen und Jugend. Andrews, M. (1999). The seductiveness of agelessness. Aging and Society, 19, 301–318. Bauman, Z. (2007). Liquid times: Living in an age of uncertainty. Cambridge: Polity Press. Bazzini, D. G., McIntosh, W. D., Smith, S. M., Cook, S., & Harris, C. (1997). The aging woman in popular film: Underrepresented, unattractive, unfriendly and unintelligent. Sex Roles, 36, 531–543. Beck, U. (2002). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. London: Sage Publications. Beck, U., & Beck-Gernsheim, E. (2002). Individualization: Institutionalized individualism and its social and political consequences. London: Sage Publication. Bennett, T., & Gaines, J. (2010). Believing what you hear: The impact of aging stereotypes upon the old. Educational Gerontology, 36, 435–445. Berner, F. (2006). Riester pensions in Germany: Do they substitute or supplement public pensions? Positions in the debate on the new public policy on private pensions. German Policy Studies, 3, 492–534. Biggs, S. (2001). Towards critical narrativity. Stories of aging in contemporary social policy. Journal of Aging Studies, 15, 303–316.

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