"Let's get drunk and have sex": the complex relationship of alcohol, gender, and sexual victimization.

506289 research-article2013

JIV29710.1177/0886260513506289Journal of Interpersonal ViolenceCowley

Article

“Let’s Get Drunk and Have Sex”: The Complex Relationship of Alcohol, Gender, and Sexual Victimization

Journal of Interpersonal Violence 2014, Vol. 29(7) 1258–1278 © The Author(s) 2013 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0886260513506289 jiv.sagepub.com

Amanda D. Cowley1

Abstract Using interviews with 43 college-age individuals, the present study aims to create a more nuanced and complex understanding of the relationship between alcohol and gender in instances of sexual victimization. The existing scholarship suggests that either alcohol or gendered processes are the primary factors in facilitating a sexual assault, one always dominating the other. However, participants express a more complex understanding that suggests that not only do each of these factors contribute individually to sexual victimization, but they also interact to create a context in which sexual victimization is not only possible but also likely. In these in-depth interviews, participants reveal the ways in which the physiological effects of alcohol, beliefs about alcohol, gender norms, sex scripts, and rape myths all work together to normalize male dominance and violence against women. Given that sexual assaults among college-age women have not declined in the past 50 years and alcohol consumption is present in upward of 50% of all assaults, it is critical that scholars continue to disentangle this relationship and reformulate the way we conceptualize sexual violence. Keywords sexual assault, alcohol and drugs, sexuality

1Louisiana

State University, Baton Rouge, USA

Corresponding Author: Amanda D. Cowley, Louisiana State University, USA. Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from jiv.sagepub.com at University at Buffalo Libraries on January 16, 2015

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Introduction Scholars, legislators, and the broader public have become increasingly interested in the role of drug use in the occurrence of crime as is evident through increased legislation meant to control drug manufacturing, distribution, and consumption; increased media portrayals of the consequences of drug use; and increased scholarship examining the drug–crime relationship. Although alcohol has been widely accepted in American culture and is often publically portrayed as one of the “safest” drugs, research consistently speaks to the particular risks associated with alcohol consumption (Parker & Auerhahn, 1998; Weil & Rosen, 2004). One of the alcohol–crime associations that is gaining attention on and around college campuses is the role of alcohol in sexual victimization especially because research has consistently shown that alcohol use is a factor in above 50% of sexual assaults (Abbey, McAuslan, Zawacki, Clinton, & Buck, 2001; Crowe & George, 1989; Crowell & Burgess, 1996; Littleton & Breitkopf, 2006; Logan, Cole, & Capillo, 2006; Pope & Shouldice, 2001; Ullman, Karabatsos, & Koss, 1999). Sexual victimization is commonly understood as any event where one person attempts to engage in sexual behavior with another person against their will (Franklin, 2008; Synovitz & Bryne, 1998). This could range from a behavior such as groping all to way to completed rape (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). Traditionally, when examining the link between alcohol and sexuality, scholars have demonstrated one as being dominant over the other. However, few studies consider how alcohol and sexuality are co-constructed and constitute one another (Crowe & George, 1989). The present study aims to address this gap in the literature by analyzing 43 interviews with collegeage individuals about their experiences with alcohol, violence, and sexual victimization to show that there is a more complex interaction between beliefs about alcohol and experiences of sexual victimization than literature has previously considered. Rather than thinking of the elements of alcohol and sexuality as separately contributing to instances of sexual victimization, or one dominating the other, the research at hand suggests that beliefs about alcohol and gendered processes interact to create a particularly dangerous context that fosters sexual aggression.

Literature Review The Importance of Set Examining set, or beliefs about the effects of alcohol, is important because there is a common assumption among scholars that beliefs and expectations about the effects of alcohol contribute to manifest behavior (Crowe & George,


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1989). This is particularly dangerous in American culture because Americans tend to associate alcohol consumption with violence, which manifests in increased violent behavior during its consumption (Reinarman & Levine, 1997). For example, though other countries have much higher rates of alcohol consumption, many have far lower rates of violent crime. This is the direct result of the American belief that alcohol causes aggression. In other words, the link between drinking and crime has more to do with American culture and beliefs about alcohol than the physiological effects of alcohol on humans (Reinarman & Levine, 1997). This has been corroborated in a number of lab studies that show simply the belief that alcohol has been consumed results in the experience of altered consciousness and behaviors (Engle & Williams, 1972; Marlatt, Demming, & Reid, 1973; Wilson & Lawson, 1976). These beliefs are problematic in terms of sexual victimization in particular because expectancies about the effects of alcohol are evidently gendered. As it cannot be argued that alcohol causes sexual aggression, it is more appropriate to think of alcohol as facilitating preexisting inclinations toward sexual aggression that are evident in the gender norms, sex scripts, and rape myths that Americans subscribe to (Barbaree, Marshall, & Lanthier, 1979; Crowe & George, 1989). In other words, beliefs about the effects of alcohol interact with gender norms, sex scripts, and rape myths to create a context in which sexual victimization is possible and likely.

Alcohol Use and Sexual Victimization Rates Alcohol consumption on college campuses is present in 1,400 student deaths, 500,000 unintentional injuries, 600,000 assaults, 112,000 arrests, and 2.1 million cases of driving under the influence of alcohol annually (Turrisi, Mallett, & Mastroleo, 2006). Sexual assaults also occur at high rates among college-age students. Estimates show that every year there are more than 700,000 sexual assaults in our country. Half of all sexual assault victims are between the ages of 12 and 24 years old and 54% of all rapes occur between the ages of 11 and 24 years old (Humphrey & White, 2000). It has also been estimated that 12% to 15% of all college women experience completed rape, 25% to 30% experience an attempted rape, and about 50% experience sexual harassment or sexual assault during their college years (Fisher et al., 2000; Luke, 2009; Ward, Chapman, Cohn, White, & Williams, 1991). Despite administrative efforts to educate students about the dangers of alcohol use and the prevalence of sexual victimization, neither college drinking nor sexual victimization among college students has decreased significantly in the past 15 years (Franklin, 2008). Given this substantial impact, it is critical that scholars continue to examine the link between alcohol and sexual victimization and reformulate traditional scholarly approaches. Downloaded from jiv.sagepub.com at University at Buffalo Libraries on January 16, 2015

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The Link Between Alcohol and Sexual Victimization Gender as the dominant force. As mentioned previously, studies linking alcohol consumption and sexuality typically portray one as being dominant over the other. Feminist scholars have extensively explored the ways in which gender norms, sex scripts, and rape myths contribute to the experiences of sexual victimization while recognizing that alcohol may also contribute to the experience, thus placing the emphasis on sexuality rather than alcohol. According to these scholars, gender plays a significant role in shaping behavior, including sexual behavior, in that it shapes the way in which individuals interact (Boswell & Spade, 1996; Connell, 1987; Hamilton & Armstrong, 2009; Risman, 2004; Schilt & Westbrook, 2009; West & Zimmerman, 1987). Interaction is shaped primarily by our adherence to gender roles. Gender roles are behaviors and attitudes expected from individuals based on their sex that are learned from the socialization process (Ben-David & Schneider, 2005; Franklin, 2008). Men and women are socialized to act and imitate gendered behavior in which men are dominant and strong and women are weak, dependent, and subordinate. Women are also socialized to believe that their self-worth is derived from their relationships with others and the successful nature of those relationships (Koss et al., 1994). Gender roles are further encouraged and reified by society and there are negative social consequences for breaking these gendered expectations (West & Zimmerman, 1987). Many feminist scholars argue that this socialization into traditional gender roles normalizes sexual assault by placing men as dominant over women and normalizing male aggression (Brownmiller, 1975; Burt, 1980; Burt & Albin, 1981; Griffin, 1971; Koss et al., 1994; Medea & Thompson, 1974; Russell, 1975). This has been corroborated by a consistent empirical link between adherence to traditional gender roles and the perpetration of sexual victimization (Johnson, Kuck, & Schander, 1997; Kopper, 1996; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; Shotland & Goodstein, 1983). In addition to gender roles, sex scripts also contribute to the sexual victimization of women. Sex scripts are ideas about the ways men and women should interact in sexual circumstances and in various settings (Franklin, 2008; Gagnon, 1990; Gagnon & Simon, 1973; Simon & Gagnon, 1986). This script is shaped by heteronormativity and often follows traditional gender roles placing the man as dominant (Schilt & Westbrook, 2009; West & Zimmerman, 1987). Women are expected to be sexual gatekeepers who are not allowed to initiate a sexual encounter but are expected to resist sexual advances regardless of their own desires (Check & Malamuth, 1983; LaPlante, McCormick, & Branningan, 1980; Muehlenhard & Hollabaugh, 1988; Muehlenhard & McCoy, 1991; Peplau, Rubin, & Hill, 1977; Risman &


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Schwartz, 2002; Shotland & Hunter, 1995). In empirical research, the normative elements of the traditional heterosexual sex script are eerily similar to the events that precede a sexual assault. Because of these similarities, men may feel justified in acting sexually aggressive and women may be likely to miss cues of danger (Franklin, 2008). Finally, in addition to traditional gender roles and sex scripts, rape myths serve to justify male aggression and the sexual victimization of women. Rape myths are negative and false beliefs that are widely and persistently held in which the victim of rape is blamed and the perpetrator excused based on traditional male–female roles and heteronormativity (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). According to Koss et al. (1994), there are three categories of rape myths—victim masochism, victim precipitation, and victim fabrication. Victim masochism suggests that the victimization that took place was not rape because the victim actually wanted it or enjoyed it. Victim precipitation suggests that women are responsible for rape by dressing in a certain manner or acting promiscuously. Victim fabrication suggests that women lie and exaggerate a victimization to protect themselves. People who accept rape myths are less likely to blame the perpetrator and more likely to hold victims responsible for their own victimization (Blumberg & Lester, 1991; Check & Malamuth, 1985; Jenkins & Dambrot, 1987; Kopper, 1996; Linz, Donnerstein, & Adams, 1989; Linz, Donnerstein, & Penrod, 1988; Muehlenhard & MacNaughton, 1988; Norris & Cubbins, 1992). Together, rape myths, traditional gender role beliefs, and traditional sex scripts function to create a sexual hierarchy in which men are dominant and violence, and aggression toward women is normalized (Franklin, 2008). This sets the stage for sexual victimization in which alcohol is likely to also be present. Alcohol as the dominant factor. Other scholars, and the broader public, emphasize the importance of alcohol in facilitating sexual victimization through alcohol’s physiological effects and the beliefs about alcohol that are commonly held. In terms of physiology, alcohol alters perception, decreases reaction time, and impairs decision making (Monks, Tomako, Palacios, & Thompson, 2010). These impairments can lead to misinterpretation of cues, ineffective communication, and the physical inability of the victim to resist an assault (Abbey et al., 2001; Davis, Combs-Lane, & Jackson, 2002; Larimer, Anderson, Baer, & Marlatt, 2000; Testa & Parks, 1996). This is problematic in terms of sexual violence because dating and sexual cues are often subtle to avoid blatant rejection; so there is already room for miscommunication prior to the impairments brought on by alcohol consumption (Abbey, 2002). Thus, with the added physiological effects of alcohol, the likelihood of miscommunication about sexual interest is even higher.


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Beliefs about the effects of alcohol are also important in terms of sexual victimization, especially because they often operate outside of the physiological effects of alcohol consumption. Despite lab studies that show that moderate alcohol use decreases sexual responsiveness, approximately 50% of all respondents to Crowe and George’s (1989) survey believed that alcohol enhances or disinhibits sexual behavior among men and women (Norris, 1994). In general, heavy drinkers, both male and female, report having three common expectancies about alcohol’s effects on sexual behavior: sexual enhancement, decreased nervousness, and increased risk taking (Abbey et al., 2001; Crowe & George, 1989; Leigh, 1990). In addition to individual expectations, people typically have expectations of the ways in which alcohol influences others and social interactions. For instance, there are common stereotypes about the effects alcohol has on women. Many college men perceive women who drink in bars as being sexually promiscuous and use alcohol as a sexual signal (Abbey, 2002; George, Gournik, & Mcafee, 1988; George, Skinner, & Marlatt, 1986; Leigh, 1990). As a result of this belief, when forced sex occurs after alcohol consumption by both parties, college men and women are less likely to recognize that situation as nonconsensual. Similarly, much like the sexual double bind, there is also a double bind with alcohol. Men expect to feel more powerful and sexually aggressive when drinking, but regard women who drink as more sexually available and powerless (Abbey, 2002; Brown, Goldman, Inn, & Anderson, 1980; George & Norris, 1991; Kanin, 1985; Martin & Hummer, 1989). Alcohol consumption by males may also affect their willingness to act aggressively as research has consistently shown that alcohol increases the likelihood that individuals will behave aggressively, especially if they feel that they have been rejected, deceived, or wronged (Abbey, 2002). The expectations are particularly dangerous because often they take on a life of their own apart from physiological effects of alcohol and tend to become self-fulfilling (Snyder & Stukas, 1999). In other words, beliefs about the effects of alcohol on sexuality encourage behaviors regardless of the physiological effects of alcohol consumption. The link. The gendered belief that men are dominant and sexually aggressive and that women are passive sexual gatekeepers sets the stage for sexual victimization and these beliefs interact with alcohol consumption because men and women not only have beliefs about how alcohol consumption will impact their sexual experiences, but they also have gendered expectations about how alcohol will affect them (Abbey, 2002). Overall, scholars that emphasize the role of alcohol in sexuality are arguing that alcohol increases the likelihood of sexual assault through beliefs about alcohol, deficits in cognitive ability,


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and motor impairments brought on by alcohol and social norms that encourage heavy drinking. Similarly, feminist scholars emphasize the importance of gender norms, sex scripts, and rape myths that work to normalize violence against women. By using interviews from with college-age students, it becomes evident that the relationship between alcohol use, gendered processes, and sexual victimization is more complex than previously portrayed by scholars. Rather than thinking of alcohol and gender norms as individually contributing to sexual victimization or dominating one another, it is important that scholars begin to examine the ways in which these factors interact, co-construct, and feed off of one another. Without research that understands the equal importance of beliefs about alcohol and the role of gendered processes and how they influence one another, the prevalence of sexual victimization on and around college campuses is not likely to decline.

Research Design Method In-depth interviews were conducted as part of an ongoing study that began in the fall semester of 2009 examining the ways in which unwanted sexual contact in public drinking venues is conceptualized by college-age students. The authors’ original aim was to address three questions: (a) Do students call to mind unwanted/uninvited sexual contact when asked about aggression/ violence in public drinking settings? (b) When asked to talk specifically about sexual aggression/violence in these settings, are their views and explanations similar to or different from those they offer when discussing other forms of violence like fights? and (c) What are the possible reasons why people do/don’t call to mind unwanted sexual contact when asked about aggression or violence? The interview guide was constructed with a mix of open- and close-ended questions about people’s experiences with aggression and violence in public drinking venues. The interview was guide based on Graham and Wells’s (2003) interview schedule from their study on the same subject. However, Graham and Wells failed to address unwanted sexual contact, so the present interview guide was adjusted to include this topic of interest. When the present study emerged, 43 interviews had been conducted and transcribed by undergraduates who had received interview training, conducted practice interviews, and completed National Institutes of Health (NIH) Human Subject’s Certification. The present study emerged in the fall semester of 2010 as the coding process began and new themes emerged. A common theme continued to emerge in the open coding process as


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participants used a combination of alcohol, gendered processes, and the interaction of these elements to explain, understand, and discuss instances of unwanted sexual contact in public drinking venues. Thus, using interviews with 43 college-aged respondents about violence and unwanted sexual contact in public drinking venues, we aim to address the following research questions: Research Question 1: How are participants explaining, understanding, and justifying their experiences with unwanted sexual contact? Research Question 2: What role do beliefs about the effects of alcohol and beliefs about gender play in participants’ narratives?

Sample Characteristics The participants ranged in age from 21 to 25 years old. Approximately half of the sample identified as male and the other half identified as female. Approximately half of the participants were college students. The interviews were structured and each lasted approximately 1 hr. All of the participants reported drinking alcohol and 93% went “out” drinking (n = 41). The participants went to a variety of public drinking venues such as tailgates (n = 8), parties (n = 2), nightclubs (n = 8), and bars (n = 26). Most of the participants went out drinking at least once per week (n = 31). The majority of the respondents were moderate to heavy drinkers, typically having three or more drinks at a time (n = 28). In terms of experiencing violence in public drinking venues, 69% (n = 30) of the participants had either been involved in or witnessed an instance of unwanted sexual contact and 86% (n = 38) had either been involved in or witnessed some type of physical violence or aggression in a public drinking venue. All of the participants who had witnessed or experienced violence in a public drinking venue, either unwanted sexual contact or otherwise, were drinking at the time of the incident.

Analysis The interviewers transcribed interviews verbatim and all were imported into NVivo to be coded. Using grounded theory and open coding, several broad themes such as alcohol, violence, and gender emerged early in the coding process. Among other things such as demographics and context, these broad categories were refined further to include topics such as physiological effects of alcohol, beliefs about alcohol, gender norms, sex scripts, and rape myths specifically.


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Findings Early in the coding process, it became evident that participants were using alcohol and gendered processes to frame their narratives of aggression and unwanted sexual contact in public drinking venues. While some students believed that alcohol was the dominant causal factor, others emphasized the importance of gender and sex scripts. However, more often than emphasizing one or the other as dominant, participants indicated that there was an interaction between alcohol consumption and gender norms or sex scripts that created the context under which sexual victimization could happen. When asked about what the respondent believed caused instances of violence or aggression in public drinking venues, respondents often indicated that alcohol consumption led participants in the act of violence to be more aggressive or to make “poorer” choices than if they were sober. When respondents did indicate that alcohol was a contributing factor to the instance of unwanted sexual contact, it was not uncommon for respondents to suggest that alcohol affected men and women differently. A common example is that men were characterized as more aggressive and females as more emotional while under the influence of alcohol. One respondent put it this way, “I was more flirtatious because I had a couple of drinks and he was more aggressive because he had been aroused more easily because he had been drinking.” This answer is representative of how many of the respondents felt about the role alcohol played in instances of unwanted sexual contact in public drinking venues. Alcohol was not only a contributing factor, but it also interacted with sex scripts and gender norms to create a context in which sexual victimization was possible. In this example, under the influence of alcohol, the role of woman as sexual gatekeeper and man as sexually aggressive was only exacerbated by the alcohol consumption of the parties involved. More generally speaking, in addition to placing alcohol or gender as dominant, two broad themes emerged among participants when talking about the role of alcohol in unwanted sexual contact—an interaction with gender norms and an interaction with sex scripts. Finally, many participants used victim blaming as a means of justifying the occurrence of unwanted sexual contact.

Alcohol as a “Causal” Factor Similar to the scholarly approach, many of the respondents attributed the occurrence of violence primarily to alcohol consumption by the perpetrator, victim, or both. This attribution was apart from any circumstantial or relational factors. A common way that participants understood alcohol as interfering with social interaction is that it made all parties involved more emotional.


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Sober, he is not aggressive, but intoxicated, he is aggressive, gets mad very easily. Even if it doesn’t involve him or it’s not something you would say is that bad. (Patrick)

For Patrick, alcohol heightened emotions among some of his friends. It made men aggressive who typically weren’t and resulted in altercations that wouldn’t have happened if the people involved hadn’t been drinking. Scholars understand that this is a result of beliefs rather than a physiological effect of alcohol consumption. However, for Patrick these beliefs manifested in the form of a physical altercation. Other participants were unsure of why an incident happened or what specific effects alcohol had on the participants, but they were confident that the incidents would not have happened had either the perpetrator or victim had not been drinking. She did something that she would not have done if she would have been sober . . . my feeling of the incident was that due to her intoxication, she no longer could control herself and control her temper and as a result of that she got out of hand and physically assaulted somebody. (Jessica) Um I think it probably, there was something minor that provoked it, I think, but I bet that the fight happened mostly because they were drunk. (Chris) Because that (sexual assault) can . . . that’s very harmful to someone and sometimes it can like lead to battery but to an extent sexual things between people who are drunk are between two people and it’s your fault for getting yourself in that situation in the first place. (Alice)

For these participants, it wasn’t that alcohol had a specific impact on drinkers, but it was the primary factor in either aggression or unwanted sexual contact. Overall, many of the participants believed that alcohol played a prominent role in the occurrence of sexual victimization in public drinking venues. Although many of the participants initially emphasized the dominance of the role of alcohol, as they elaborated, it became evident that alcohol consumption was often interacting with existing gender norms or sex scripts that they held.

Understanding Gender Norms and Sex Scripts Similar to the feminist scholarship that emphasizes the importance of gender norms, sex scripts, and rape myths, some of the gendered discussion that emerged was separate from the use of alcohol. For instance, when asked


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about what the legal ramifications for sexual assault should be, Tyler responded by saying, As far as things go, that’s kinda more difficult. Because violence, you can like see it happening, but girls will tell a cop anything if they’re mad at some guy. You kinda have to see it happen, you can’t just go off on one guy because some chick said something.

His expression of women being unreliable sources and the notion that “hard evidence,” such as an “objective” witness, must exist for a woman’s complaint of assault to be heard speaks to the gendered notion of women being irrational, manipulative, and emotional. Participants also expressed gender norms about men. For instance, Greg referred to a physical altercation at a local bar as “some male bonding between me and my cousins.” Fighting was seen as a way for Greg and his cousins to prove their masculinity through their ability to collectively defend themselves and act aggressively. However, another participant, Blake spoke of walking away from confrontation even at the expense of your “manhood”: “I will always try to squash a fight or not fight even if it involves dropping your manhood.” For Blake, being able to defend yourself was a desirable characteristic of masculinity that he was willing to do without. Female respondents also indicated that men were “aggressive” and women more “passive” with statements like “And he started pushing the guys because he was not gonna be pushing the girls, you know?” or “And then, I knew there was nothing I could do to stop it. It’s two guys.” Overall, participants consistently spoke to the notion of fighting, defending yourself, and aggression as a central part of “manhood.” These statements speak to the existing gender norms that the participants shared about male aggression and female passivity apart from alcohol consumption. Existing sex scripts also more subtly emerged throughout the interview process. Several respondents indicated that men typically always wanted sex while women were less likely to be sexually available. When asked about experiences with unwanted sexual contact, Tyler responded sarcastically, “Um, unwanted?” suggesting that sexual contact is always “wanted” by men. Patrick and Andrew offered similar responses that indicated that men should always want sex or at least sexual contact: Yeah, usually because not many guys say “hey you are touching me inappropriately.” (Patrick) People should be reprimanded from a guy standpoint, I mean if a girl does it (unwanted sexual contact) to a guy it’s kind of whatever, but if a guy does it to a girl I don’t think it’s acceptable. (Andrew)


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A female participant, Amy, also indicated that men were often sexually aggressive and that this was not only to be expected but perhaps even tolerated. Right. And what about like, I know you said, like a guy grabbing your butt or whatever, how do you think that should be handled? (Interviewer) Um I don’t know. That’s hard. I feel like it happens so often that it’s hard to . . . I guess just kick them out if you feel like they have been violating you somehow. (Amy)

It became evident, as these interview excerpts show, that many of the participants had existing gender norms and sex scripts that were informing their perception of what was appropriate behavior for men and women in these venues and more importantly, how men and women should interact with one another. These beliefs, apart from alcohol consumption, set the stage for sexual victimization. However, rather than emphasize the dominance or either alcohol or sexuality, participants were most likely to speak to the interaction of the two as being a significant factor in sexual victimization.

The Interaction of Gender Norms and Alcohol Beyond existing beliefs about alcohol and gender, many participants spoke to the interaction between alcohol consumption and specifically gender norms. One participant, Greg, when referring to a physical altercation in a bar, explained it this way: Basically, like I said, we had just gotten into a confrontation, the reason I think I did was I was drinking, and I was provoked. My manhood was tested, so I felt that as a man, I had to stand up for myself.

Not only does Greg see his physical altercation as a result of his alcohol consumption, but he also expresses that it was a result of his masculinity being challenged. Another female respondent felt similarly about her boyfriend’s involvement in a physical altercation after she was sexual assaulted. Uhm, I think if we had not been drinking, um, my boyfriend wouldn’t have gotten offended. If the guy, you know, had started talking smack . . . but because he was drinking, he got egotistical about it. (Tori)

In this instance, Tori believed that alcohol interacted with her boyfriend’s “ego” to create a context in which violence was possible.


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Most commonly, participants spoke of how alcohol exacerbated the effects of gender norms. I was more flirtatious because I had a couple of drinks and he was more aggressive because he had been aroused more easily because he had been drinking. (Harmony)

Harmony, like many of the participants, believed that alcohol disinhibited existing gendered traits in men and women. Fewer participants spoke of the ways in which alcohol consumption resulted in the challenging or breaking of gender norms. Uhm, I guess maybe I wouldn’t have had the courage to say something. I probably would’ve been shocked or confused and kept walking, but I guess because I had a few drinks I was more angry. (Charlotte)

Typically, women are supposed to be passive and nonconfrontational, but in this situation, Charlotte believed that alcohol had allowed her to break that norm and confront her attacker by throwing a drink in his face and yelling at him. Not only did participants discuss the ways in which alcohol consumption was interacting with gender norms, but they also discussed its interaction with sex scripts.

The Interaction of Sex Scripts and Alcohol Sex scripts, often based on traditional gender roles, indicate how men and women should interact in a sexual interaction. Most often alcohol was regarded as a signal of sexual availability among women who typically wouldn’t be interested in casual sex. For example, one male participant, Sloan, equated women drinking a lot of alcohol with their also being sexually available. I’ve heard she’s like, a little ‘ho though. So uh, she probably drinks a lot. (Sloan)

Jonathan also equated drinking with a female’s sexual availability. Well, if it’s a guy, they’re most likely trying to get sex. And if it’s a girl, they’re just looking for an excuse to get drunk to have sex. (Jonathan)

The role of sexual signals and miscommunication became a prevalent discussion among participants. In particular, a concern emerged about how alcohol can lead to miscommunication about sexual availability. When talking about a situation in which men inappropriately touch women in public


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drinking venues, John explained the complex nature of cues between men and women. Later in the interview, John explained that the existing confusion was further complicated by alcohol. Well I think he umm he misinterpreted physical cues and assumed that his touching in a sexual manner was welcomed but it was not. (John)

A female respondent, Candice, expressed her own concern about being unclear with her sexual signals because of her alcohol consumption toward a man who groped her later in the evening. I probably wouldn’t have been as flirtatious to suggest hey do you want to dance with me. But, I think I would have pushed him away had he grabbed me. Maybe more forcefully if I hadn’t been drinking. (Candice)

She later expanded this explanation to suggest that men are more sexually aggressive when drinking and perhaps she was more flirtatious because she had been drinking. Uh, I didn’t see it as anything unusual, you know usually guys are more . . . you know they pursue more than usual when there drunk. So nothing out of the ordinary to me. There’s a risk where you put yourself in a place where you’re going to be taking part in drinking which lowers your um, inhibitions, and if you’re less inhibited you, like become more flirtatious with someone who thinks you want them to be sexually. (Candice)

A male participant, Chris, also expressed his belief that alcohol made men more sexually aggressive. Yea everybody was drinking. The girl didn’t seem drunk and I mean the guy didn’t just looking at him look drunk but if he just walked up and grabbed her butt I’m guessing he had a few. (Chris)

These participants were not only speaking to the interaction of sex scripts and alcohol consumption, but to the unique way that set, or beliefs about the effects of alcohol, disinhibits their existing beliefs about the ways in which men and women are expected to interact in a sexual context. Given that sex scripts and sexual cues are already subtle, when mixed with the physiological effect of alcohol impairing communication and the belief that alcohol signals sexual availability, participants felt as if sexual assault was likely or at least justified in some way.


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Victim Blaming Finally, some respondents expressed that the victims of sexual aggression were most accountable for the occurrence of sexual violence. The most common explanation was victim precipitation—that the woman involved was “too sexual” with the perpetrator, thus violating gender norms and sex scripts, inviting the victimization. Well, I mean . . . she probably provoked a little bit, ya know, she was getting kinda sexual with him. (Jonathan) Just because there’s never, it’s never just cut and dry as we think it is or as we try to make it. You know, there’s a lot of things that go on. Sometimes certain behaviors are elicited or enticed and you know, in certain ways that are overt or covert and you know, there is never a clear message. (Sloan)

A female participant also indicated that perhaps she had enticed her victimization. Cause maybe I looked at him in a way that he thought was suggesting that maybe I wanted to dance with him by myself. (Candice)

Only one participant, Tyler, indicated that victim fabrication may be to blame for the high numbers of sexual victimization: As far as things go, that’s kinda more difficult. Because violence, you can like see it happening, but girls will tell a cop anything if they’re mad at some guy. You kinda have to see it happen, you can’t just go off on one guy because some chick said something.

Although fewer participants suggested that the victim was accountable or responsible for their victimization, even these few instances are important to emphasize because they are modes of thought that permeate our culture and ignore the other factors involved in sexual victimization. Blaming the victim through rape myths is a means of ignoring the structural and social forces that facilitate sexual victimization and continue to position women as the “inferior” sex.

Discussion and Conclusion Traditionally, the focus of preventive measures by universities has been to either educate people about the physiological dangers of drinking or to equip


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women to prevent, defend themselves against, or react to a sexual assault. However, this individual focus fails to consider the ways in which structural elements such as beliefs about alcohol and gender norms or sex scripts are determinative factors in sexual victimization. Therefore, it is imperative that efforts to prevent sexual victimization incorporate a discussion of the complexities of social interaction, the influence on gender roles and sex scripts on individual and group behavior, and the ways in which alcohol can exacerbate our existing beliefs about these things. Similarly, although not examined here, it may be constructive for programs aimed at the prevention of sexual victimization to also incorporate a discussion of self-worth and healthy relationships. In showing people that there is often value in operating outside of the conventional gender norms and sex scripts, perhaps they will be less likely to allow those beliefs to guide their behavior when under the influence of alcohol. As these interviews reveal, to date, our scholarly understanding of the factors contributing to sexual victimization has been limited. Participants understand sexual victimization as a product of alcohol use and gender norms/sex scripts rather than one or the other. By recognizing these concepts as interacting to create a context in which sexual violence is possible, we can begin to disentangle the complex relationship between alcohol consumption, gender, and sexual victimization. Until we reexamine and retheorize this relationship, then it is unlikely that sexual victimization will decline among college-age women. Given that this study is exploratory in nature, there are several limitations that should be addressed in future research. The primary limitation is that the interview guide was constructed with the purpose of understanding how college-age students conceptualize unwanted sexual contact—as either a form of violence or as nonviolent. This is problematic for the present findings because interviewers were not explicitly trying to disentangle the relationship between alcohol and gender and thus opportunities to have participants expand on answers or further explain this relationship were missed. Similarly, because of the original purpose of the research, unwanted sexual contact was never explicitly defined to participants and they were encouraged to generate their own understanding. This is a benefit in that it generated responses from a range of experiences that otherwise might have been overlooked had the term been explicitly defined. However, without prompting or a clear understanding of what constitutes sexual victimization, some participants may have had difficulty calling to mind an instance of unwanted sexual contact. For example, it may not be uncommon for participants to only think of the most extreme forms such as rape as qualifying as sexual victimization rather than considering a range of experiences. Second, an increased sample size


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and a more diverse sample could expand our understanding of these issues. A majority of the present sample is White and likely middle to upper class. The relationship between alcohol consumption and gender may play out differently depending on race and class. However, with the present and largely homogeneous sample, it is impossible to distinguish unique experiences based on race or class. One way of growing the sample size would be to incorporate a survey or questionnaire examining the relationship between gender norms, sex scripts, and alcohol. By introducing a higher level of anonymity, respondents may be more willing to participate and discuss these sensitive issues. Then we could build upon that survey with focus groups and more in-depth interviews to expand upon the findings. Ultimately, continued research in this field is crucial and reaching a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between alcohol and gender is tantamount if scholars and administrators hope to see sexual victimization among college-age women decline. Until we disentangle the physiological effects of alcohol, beliefs about alcohol, and the way that gender and sexuality influence these factors, women will continue to be victimized and alcohol will continue to serve as the justification. Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interests with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.

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Author Biography Amanda D. Cowley is a graduate student in the sociology department at Louisiana State University. Her research centers on examining the causes, implications, and preventive measures of victimization in many forms.


Prevalence of sexual victimization and correlates of forced sex in Japanese men who have sex with men.

Influences of acute alcohol consumption, sexual precedence, and relationship motivation on women's relationship and sex appraisals and unprotected sex intentions.

Developmental change in the relationship between alcohol and drug use before sex and sexual risk behavior in young men who have sex with men.

The effects of sexual sensation seeking and alcohol use on risky sexual behavior among men who have sex with men.

Associations of Sexual Victimization, Depression, and Sexual Assertiveness with Unprotected Sex: A Test of the Multifaceted Model of HIV Risk Across Gender.

Up for Grabs? Sexual Objectification as a Mediator Between Women's Alcohol Use and Sexual Victimization.

Sexual compulsion--relationship with sex, attachment and sexual orientation.

The Relationship between Interpersonal Violence Victimization and Smoking Behavior across Time and by Gender.

Assessing sexual motives for drinking alcohol among HIV-positive men who have sex with men.

Sociable crayfish get drunk more easily than loners.

Alcohol Expectancy, Drinking Behavior, and Sexual Victimization Among Female and Male College Students.

Relationship between Gender Roles and Sexual Assertiveness in Married Women.

Alcohol Use and Associated Sexual and Substance Use Behaviors Among Men Who Have Sex with Men in Moscow, Russia.

Impact of alcohol use on sexual behavior among men who have sex with men and transgender women in Lima, Peru.

Examining the correspondence between relationship identity and actual sexual risk behavior among HIV-positive men who have sex with men.

Sexual behaviours, sex toy and sexual safety methods reported by women who have sex with women and men.

Older opposite-sex romantic partners, sexual risk, and victimization in adolescence.

Sex and Diverse Sexualities via Sexual Configurations Theory.

discriminatory attitudes, and HIV high-risk sexual behaviors among men who have sex with men in China.

Alcohol and Other Drug Use in Middle School: The Interplay of Gender, Peer Victimization, and Supportive Social Relationships.

The effect of gender and alcohol placement in the processing of sexual intent.

Alcohol misuse, risky sexual behaviors, and HIV or syphilis infections among Chinese men who have sex with men.

Sexual Behaviors Linked to Drug and Alcohol Use Among Men Who Have Sex With Men in China.

Post sex affectionate exchanges promote sexual and relationship satisfaction.