Internationul Perspectives

OLD AGE IN SOCIOCULTURAL CONTEXT: China and the United States GORDON F. STREIB University of Florida

ABSTRACT: With the increasing interest in comparative studies of the ehierly, China

has become the focus of research attention This society, which has been inaccessible to most Western researchers offers a special site for studies of aging because of its sheer size as a world power, its relationship to Third World countries and itspopulation problem-a growing segment of ekierly people Available dam from a variety of social science sources are utilized to compare how the sock&tural context of China and the United States impact a?fferentially upon the older population in each society. Three major akterminants specify the theoretical context economic development (the level of production an economic system achieves); traditional cultural patterns (norms roks, relationships); ana’the social control mechanisms (regulatory processes based upon the legal and sanctioning systems). These &terminants provide a theoretical orientation for analyzing the outcome variables involved in the behavior and adaptation of the old In American society, cultural norms and values are advantageous for active older persons in good health particularly those with a favorable economic situation In contemporary Chinese society, which blends traditional customs with the values of a revolutionaty and changing society, there are advantages for the frail e&rly.

Interest in comparative gerontology has increased in recent years with the awareness of aging as a world-wide phenomenon (United Nations 1982; Cowgill 1986). American researchers acknowledge the need to understand aging in other cultures (Fry 1980, 198 1; Keith 1985; Kertzer and Keith 1984; Sokolovsky 1983). China is of particular interest to Western scholars and scientists since it has been largely inaccessible since the Communist revolution. In the past five years, however, there has been a desire on the part of Chinese leaders for cultural exchange of technological, medical, biological, and social knowledge. Western social scientists (Rossi 1985; Sheppard 1985) have shown great interest in China for several important reasons, the first of which is its *Directah communicationsto: Gorden E Streib,Department of Sociology,Universityof Florida,Gainesville, FL 32611. JOURNAL OF AGING STUDIES, Volume 1, Number 2, pages 95-112. Copyright @ 1987 by JAI Press, Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. ISSN: 08904065.

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global importance and sheer size as the most populous nation in the world, with a long and rich cultural history and intact geographical boundaries. The second reason is China’s special relationship to the Third World. Many developing nations affiliate or identify with China because of their mutual economic development aspirations. A third factor is China’s population problem, involving both the control of fertility and growth, and the awareness of an increasing proportion of elderly in the population. It is expected that persons over age 60 will exceed 143 million in the year 2000 (Liu and Song 198 1). Finally, China and its aging population warrant attention and understanding because the society has been organized under collectivist principles for a generation. In describing the role of the elderly in Chinese society, observers focus on the outcome variables: the high integration of older people in all phases of life, the many services provided for them by the family, and the attitude of positive respect in which they are held. It is a commonplace observation that the Chinese treat their elderly “better” than do Westerners. Such generalizations focus only on the consequences or outcomes. This article will start at a prior point and examine the determinants of these outcomes. The level of economic and technological development, the traditional cultural patterns, and the role of the state in legal and bureaucratic social control are identified as the major determinants. Anthropologists, gerontologists, and sociologists have demonstrated an increasing interest in cross-national research and programs. They have utilized three different research strategies in their comparative analyses (Elder 1976): (1) an approach focusing on cross-national similarity and cross-national comparability, as illustrated by Shanas et al. (1968); (2) studies that focus on cross-national subsets and limited crossnational comparability illustrated by Cowgill and Holmes (1972), Schulz et al. (1974), and Teicher et al. (1969); and (3) an approach that examines national uniqueness and cross-national contrasts, as represented by Amoss and Harrell(198 1) and Hsu (1972). This article falls in this last category. The selection of two vastly different societies poses the analytical problem of how a meaningful comparison can be presented (Ragin 1981). Dogan and Pelassy (1984, p. 27) have suggested that “the farther apart the compared countries are, and the more sharply contrasting, the greater the need to rise on the scale of abstraction.” Some would meet this challenge by selecting a highly abstract scheme such as the dialectical theories of Hegel or Marx, while another analyst might select the societal theory of Talcott Parsons (1977) with its basic orientation to values and integration. Our approach is to offer a matrix for comparative analysis that is abstract enough to provide a theoretical framework and yet also provides a realistic and organized description of empirical facts, figures, and events. We put forward an orderly paradigm that is not so stringent that it would exclude important, observed facts; it also goes beyond the broad comparison as to whether one society treats its elderly “better” than the other. Obviously an ambitious approach must be tentative and exploratory. Alfred Grosser (1972, p. 55) set forth our aim: “precisely to find the level of generalization which permits the simultaneous avoiding of sterile theory on the one hand, of useless accumulation on the other hand.” The gerontological situation in the United States has emerged as a consequence of the productivity of the society, the increased health and longevity of older citizens, and the development of a social welfare system. There has been little attempt to plan in a

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of becoming an industrialized society with a high percentage of elderly who place enormous demands upon the state for pensions and health care. China, however, is a rural, planned, controlled society that aspired to become developed. Prior to this decade, its leaders have not given attention to the gerontological consequences of industrial development. As a totally planned society, its leaders have been optimistic that the consequences of economic development, including a larger number and larger percentage of elderly, can be handled effectively in the future. One of the major problems with which the comparativist must grapple is the determination of the salient elements of the analytical matrix. There is a need to narrow the field of observation in order to increase the incisiveness of the analysis. Three major variables have been selected to disaggregate the social and cultural context: (1) economic development, (2) social tradition, and (3) political controls. All of these have profound influences on the situation of the elderly. This article brings together the data and observations of many researchers of Chinese social structure and juxtaposes the Chinese patterns with those found in the United States. It is obviously not possible to present the many exceptions, subtleties, and ramifications of a comparison of the two societies in an article on such a complex subject. Instead, we have attempted to highlight the broad picture and generalize about the major factors and their outcomes for the elderly. Table 1 highlights the three major determinants and provides an overview of the comparative analysis of the two cultures, showing how each of the determinants has consequences for the elderly. The first determinant, economic development, refers to the level of production achieved by an economic system.1 It can be measured in a variety of direct and indirect ways, such as gross national product, the goods and services available to people as a measure of their standard of living, the forms of energy produced and consumed, and so on. The second major cultural determinant that influences the situation of the elderly consists of historical factors such as the traditional cultural patterns, norms, roles, and relationships-those ways of organizing social life that tend to persist from year to year, or more important, from generation to generation.* Some of these patterns are deeply embedded in centuries of Chinese tradition. The traditional determinants place the elderly in a time frame. This cluster of determinants highlights those ways of defining social lie and behavior that have continuity with the past. The third set of determinants of the situation of the elderly involves the polity-the role of the state in establishing legal and bureaucratic social control mechanisms. This comprises the regulatory processes of a society that are based upon law and the sanctioning apparatus. These aspects of the cultural context involve the legal, bureaucratic, and administrative structure of a society and are shaped by the political philosophy and ideological commitments that undergird a society’s system of rewards and punishments. The justification for selecting these three determinants rests upon the comparative approach to the problem of studying two complex societies. In this context, primacy is given to the economic factor because the kinds and amount of services available to older persons in complex societies is related to the level of economic development (see Wilensky 1975; Cowgill and Holmes 1972; Little 1979; Kinoy 1979). In studies of

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TABLE 1

A Framework for Comparing Aging in China and the United States Outcomes Major Determinants

Economic Development

Traditional Cultural Patterns

Social Control: Legal, Bureaucratic Norms, Ideological Sanctions

People’s Republic of China

for the Elderly United States

Low standard of living

High standard of living

Housing shortage, necessitating intergenerational living

Widespread home ownership by elderly. Separate dwelling units.

Need for labor of elderly

Elderly’s labor needed only if they have special skills

Need to pool family resources

Family resources separate; elderly can spend pensions as desired and retain control of their property

Labor-intensive society provides work roles for old

High use of inanimate power, little hand labor neededfew job opportunities

Respect for elderly and filial piety

“Automatic” respect for elderly is low

Togetherness of generations

Young generations expected to leave home (Neolocal patterns)

Elderly involved in child rearing

Child rearing done by parents or nurseries, day care centers

Youth and sexuality de-emphasized

Youth and sexuality highly valued

Prime goal is group welfare

Individualism and free choice are basic values

Privacy as a goal devalued

Privacy considered very important

195 1 law requiring people to take care of parents

Legal requirements to take care of parents vary by state and are usually ignored

Group control by danwei

Loose social controls

Lack of mobility; permit needed to move

Elderly free to move

Urban: Retirement and pension system for 20%; Rural: 80% dependent on commune or family

95% of elderly eligible for Social Security plus pension from employer for about half

Respect for authority

Low respect for authority

Little private savings

Private savings

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aging there is a growing literature that is critical of the modernization perspective (Cowgill 1986; Quadagno 1982; Williamson et al. 1982). A vast literature in sociology and anthropology supports the notion that our second determinant, culture, is the web of custom, the overarching framework. The government structure-the state- warrants separate analytical consideration because in complex societies the state assumes the important role of mediator between power groups vying for public resources (see MacIver 1947; McNall 1984; Quadagno 1984; Estes 1979; Olson 1982). Using a comparative and historical analysis, Orloff and Skocpol (1984) show the importance of a “state centered” frame of reference for understanding past and present public social policies. These are linked to industrial and capitalist development, but they are also grounded in macro-political determinants (Heclo 1974; Myles 1984).

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT China is at an early stage of economic development, for 80% of its citizens are engaged in agriculture, and only 20% are urban residents. There is a great reliance on animate power, with human labor performing many tasks that are done by machines in more developed societies. The standard of living is low, when measured by material benefits. Economic development refers to the level of production an economic system achieves. It can be measured in a variety of direct and indirect ways, such as the gross national product, the amount of electricity produced, the amount and forms of energy consumed, and the goods and services available to people as a measure of their standard of living. China has had considerable industrial and economic development since the revolution of 1949. However, Ma Hong (1983), President of the Chinese Academy of Social Science, has pointed out that the economic development has been erratic and the people have not derived much in terms of material benefits. He notes that the low level of production had an important effect on the standard of living of the elderly, as on the rest of the population. Housing, for example, is in short supply so that intergenerational living is a necessity. Despite two decades of housing construction in urban areas, the growth of the population has resulted in a decrease in the per capita living space. Ma Hong (1983, p. 40) states: “The average floor space per person in Chinese cities was only 3.6 square meters in 1977, smaller by 0.9 square meters than the average of 4.5 square meters in 1952. There were 6.26 million families without adequate housing, comprising 37% of the total households in the cities.” Davis-Friedmann (1983, p. 40) writes that it is typical for younger persons to move out of the house when they are able to find other housing. She adds that all post-1949 housing is planned to have two-room apartments designed to accommodate four people, and this design of the housing discourages separate residences for the elderly. There is considerable opportunity for the elderly to continue to work and perform meaningful roles in a developing economy that is mainly agricultural and not mechanized. Davis-Friedmann (1983, p. 107) summarizes the situation: “In rural areas, the old remain in the work force until an advanced age and the Communist revolution has not significantly changed the prerevolutionary pattern of ceaseless toil.” The elderly supplement the family income by raising vegetables, chickens, and pigs that can be sold in the market. They also have an important role in bringing up the grandchildren while

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the daughter or daughter-in-law works. (Only about one-fourth of China’s preschool children attend nurseries or day care centers.) Because of the small size of the apartments and lack of refrigeration, shopping for food is a daily necessity. This is a task that is frequently performed by the elderly. There are additional economic incentives for the generations to live together. The older person who is retired and has a pension and then finds a second job in retirement may make a larger contribution to the family’s income than other family members. Another economic imperative that keeps the generations together is a provision that is permitted under the Communist system: the job of a retiring factory or offtce worker may be turned over to a son or daughter (Rossi 1985). This is a significant benefit for young family members. Butterfield (1982) noted that at a large petrochemical works in Lanzhou with 36,000 workers, an official reported that, of the 600 workers who retire each year, virtually all are replaced by their children. In contrast, such a practice would be considered nepotism and would be illegal under our equal op~~uni~ statutes in the United States. The intergenerational household in China also allows a family to pool its resources to buy expensive consumer goods such as radios, sewing machines, bicycles, and so forth. Treas (1979) observed that even marginal contributions of older relatives may further family welfare. Families must rely on each other for assistance, pa~cularly in rural areas. However, since family-based old age supports are closely associated with the social and economic development of Chinese society, these traditional patterns will undoubtedly change as the Chinese modernize their economy (Chen 1985). While there is some change in the role of the aged in urban families, on balance, continuities with the past are more important according to Whyte and Parish (1984). Old people are not powerless, mainly because of their economic ~ont~bution. Older men nay retain the family headship and it is not relinquished until death or health problems hasten the process of giving up power in the family. The high productivity in the United States, with efficient agricultural and manufacturing segments of the economy, results in separation of the generations and thus reduces the power of the elderly within the family group. However the high standard of living enables a high proportion of older people to own their own homes. The majority of adults, both young and old, prefer separate residences, and there is sufficient housing for them to live apart (Crystal 1982). Most of the elderly are not engaged in gainful employment, and over the last generation there has been a steady decline in their participation in the labor force. In 1947, almost 50% of older males worked, but by 1976 employment had declined to almost 20%. The labor force participation rate of females remained below 10% during the 30-year period (Pampel198 1). Pa~do~cally, the decline in labor force participation has been accompanied by both relative and absolute increases in the income levels of the elderly. The affluence of the society in general has meant that the elderly are able to live independently, and maintain private control over their resources. Although the net worth of the elderly in the United States is not great, many do have assets to bequeath as legacies, which in many cases augments their power within the family group. Obviously, the need for hand labor is considerably reduced in a highly mechanized society, and the many roles found in China for rural dwellers are not required in America’s productive economy.

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Several studies of contemporary China (Kirkby 1985; Liang et al. 1985; Whyte and Parish 1984) point out that urban China is probably changing at a faster pace than other parts of China, yet this has not resulted in major destabilization of the relations between the generations. Whyte and Parish (1984, p. 175) write: “The power of the aged has clearly softened somewhat, but strong feelings of respect and mutual obligation remain to bind the generations together.” The policies of the Party have not turned children against their parents inasmuch as the socialist policies regarding distributionwages and pensions based on seniority, minimal investment in housing, low levels of provision of services and household appliances, and other factors-maintain the importance of old people’s roles in the families and also help to maintain intergenerational bonds. Even highly educated urbanites see strong family bonds as both natural and important and scoff at the notion that strong family bonds may not be very “modem.”

TRADITIONAL CULTURAL PAlTERNS The second major determinant of the situation of the elderly consists of the traditional cultural patterns: norms, roles, relationships-those ways of organizing social life that tend to persist from year to year and more important, from generation to generation. Some of these patterns are deeply embedded in centuries of Chinese tradition. In American society, there are also traditional determinants -rules and relationships that have a shorter history but that significantly affect the ways in which old and young interact and the kinds of services and care provided by families and public agencies. The characteristics of Chinese and American society categorized under this rubric are presented separately from economic development determinants so as to highlight the fact that the situation of the elderly must be placed in historical perspective. Here we are emphasizing those ways of defining social life and of behaving that have continuity with earlier periods. Filial piety has been a paramount value in China for centuries and has welded the generations together (Hsu 1948; Parish and Whyte 1978). After the Communist revolution, Marxists at first stressed equality of the generations and tried to reduce the power of parents by abolishing their control over children’s marriages. However, filial piety is so deeply embedded in Confucian norms that it remains a strong theme in Chinese life that results in an almost automatic sense of obligation to care for one’s frail parents. The traditional respect for authority is a related Chinese attribute that has significant implications for the elderly. Hsu-Balzer et al. (1974, p. xii) remind us that the Chinese do not have a concept of freedom and volition. They state: Authority means that commands must be given and obeyed, that it is perfectly in accordance with the order of things for the people to be divided into the governors and the governed. The former should be wise and experienced, and able to guide the less wise and less experienced.. . . Consequently, Chinese parents do not have to play the friendship game with their children. Growing up does not imply the change of a vertical relationship with the parents into a horizontal one as American educators, under the influence of the attribute of volition, would theorize. Since Chinese parents maintain their position of superiority, as parents, maturity in the Chinese scheme of things has always meant the acquisition of the wisdom and the experience to know how to act as sons with reference to parents and how to act as parents with reference to sons.

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Such an attitude gives the elderly automatic respect. They are not concerned if their needs and wishes interfere with their children’s lives or activities. In the United States, in contrast, the dominant themes have been youthfulness, equality, free choice, and independence. American parents expect their children to leave home and establish separate families. They accept the fact that children may move to other sections of the country because of career mobility, and they usually relinquish parental authority when the child becomes employed. In China, however, the authority patterns of the elderly, the respect and deference of the young to the old, the close patterns of daily living throughout their lifetime interact in such a way that family units have a more cohesive quality than in the United States. Although the Communist revolution modified some family patterns, intergenerational living, with the elderly preserving their dignity and power, causes Chinese society to have a kin-bound integration that is not found in more developed societies. Another aspect of Chinese tradition that has continuity from earlier periods is the lack of emphasis on sexuality. Hsu has said that Chinese society has been described as asexual, with the main emphasis in man-woman relations being procreational. DavisFreidmann (1983) agrees with this description and states that in pre-1949 families, parent-child loyalties took precedence over those between husband and wife, and sexual relations were important because they resulted in children. She adds that this perspective on sexuality is involved in the positive attitudes toward the elderly, for the physical attractiveness of youth is not essential for a positive self-image. Widows and widowers are included in the ordinary round of social life inside or outside the family, and continue to participate fully in social activities. Chinese clothing generally reduces awareness of sexuality, says Davis-Freidmann. Men and women of all ages wear somewhat loose-fitting garments that mask body contours, unlike Western dress. Thus the elderly in China do not stand out in stark contrast to younger people in their dress and appearance. However, in the United States there is a preoccupation with youthfulness and sexual attractiveness. These emphases are closely integrated with an economy geared toward creating high consumer demand for products that are advertised and sold by the use of overt and covert sexual appeals. The patterning of these behaviors is related obviously to the emphasis on youth and vigor, and the fragility of the marital and family ties is correlated with individual choice and sexual freedom. Christopher Lasch (1979) has described these and other complex patterns in The Culture of Narcissism American Life in an Age of Diminishing fipecfati0n.s. Daniel Yankelovitch ( I982 j, using a different set of observations and framework, draws a similar picture in New Rules Searching for Self-Fuljihent

in a World Turned Upside Down.

Traditional patterns of child rearing in China also have repercussions on the attitudes to the elderly and their roles. The Chinese have long had a cultural ideal that support of the parents comes before all other obligations and that this obligation must be fulfilled even at the expense of the children (Hsu 1972). This ideal has been emphasized in literature, theater, paintings, and poetry. Chinese children socialized to see the world in terms of social rel.ationships; they must submit to parents, and later to the school, the work group, and the state. In contrast, American children are encouraged very early to do things for themselves, to express themselves, to explore, question, master skills, and follow predilections. When

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American children are socialized in this manner, it is perhaps unreasonable to expect that they will switch priorities 50 years later, and suddenly put the needs of the parents first. Thus, the situation of the elderly may have its roots in child-rearing practices decades earlier. Butterfield states (1982, p. 207): Chinese parents don’t ask what they can do for their children, as American fathers and mothers do-but what their children can do for them. This is a carry over of the old virtue of filial piety, which lay at the heart of Chinese personal relations. Differences in child-rearing practices in the two countries are also involved in the role of the elderly. In the United States, child-rearing norms are derived from the emphasis on individual development and the freedom to choose, while in China they involve socializing the child to fit into the group. Visitors to China are surprised at the “well-behaved” children they observe, and contrast this with American children who are often noisy, willful, determined, exploratory, and at times, obnoxious. In contrast, Chinese babies will sit quietly in grandparents’ arms-gazing serenely at the passing scene. There are few strollers or carriages, so infants are held a good deal of the time, in many cases even when they are sleeping. Furthermore, Chinese children are taught to conform at an early age-to fit in with the group-to subdue their individual desires. The net result of this is to produce children who can be reared by grandparents without an excessive amount of strain or friction. In contrast, most American elderly people do not want the responsibility of rearing their grandchildren, for they find it too exhausting. They are often willing to care for the children occasionally, but most do not want to be tied down to full-time child care. In summary, the Chinese grandparents have an important role in child rearing that American elderly do not have and usually do not want. Parish and Whyte (1978) observe that the most feared kind of misbehaviors by Chinese parents are those that lead to conflicts between families. Since Chinese peasants live and work in close contact with their neighbors, parents and grandparents are anxious to maintain harmonious relations. “Indeed, one could argue that the collectivization of agriculture has made harmonious relations more important than before, since family income is now more dependent on cooperation with neighbors” (Parish and Whyte 1978, p. 226). The techniques of discipline show how the cultural patterns of today have continuity with the past and that older family members are an integral part of the disciplinary process. Another set of social norms that have significance in many aspects of social life relates to privacy. The two cultures attach vastly different priorities to privacy. “Individual privacy, which Americans value so highly, has never been a point of Chinese contention,” says Hsu-Balzer et al. (1974, p. xii). Butterfield (1982, p. 42) notes that the “Chinese simply do not recognize privacy; indeed, there is no word for privacy in the 50,000 characters of the Chinese language.” In contrast, Americans value privacy highly. One of the reasons most American elderly insist on living alone and resist moving in with relatives is that they fear they would lose their privacy.

THE POLITY: LEGAL AND BUREAUCRATIC SOCIAL CONTROLS The third major set of determinants of the situation of the elderly are the social control mechanisms-the regulatory processes of a society based upon laws and the sanction-

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ing apparatus. These determinants involve the legal, bureaucratic, and administrative structures of a society and are shaped by the political philosophy and ideological commitments that undergird a society’s system of rewards and punishments. The 195 1 marriage laws in China and subsequent amendments mandated that children are legally responsible for the care and support of their parents. Regulatory processes include the establishment of retirement provisions. The normal retirement age is 60 for men, 50 for women who do physical work, and 55 for other women. For the 20% who live in the city, a full retirement pension is approximately 75% of one’s last wages, and requires that a person complete 15 years of work. For the 80% of people who are rural dwellers, the economic provisions are the responsibility first of their married sons, and then their danwei or commune. There is no funded state pension. As members of the commune, they receive a share of the grain or crops. Most men keep on working after 60, watching the orchards, caring for domestic animals, removing manure, and so on. Collective ownership has eliminated the need for elderly persons to establish their own financial security in old age, says Davis-Freidmann (1983). “As lifetime partners in a collectively owned enterprise, elderly citizens share in the profits even when they are physically unable to hold full-time jobs” (p. 107). She adds that a few wealthy communes have inaugurated a pension system. At the time of land reform, following the creation of the People’s Republic of China, the “five guarantees” were put into practice in the communes for those who have no families. These guaranteed food, clothing, medical care, housing, and burial expenses. The guarantees for the elderly were designed at the national level, but the financing, the staff, and administration are local rural responsibilities. Thus the national government transfers important responsibilities to grass-roots leaders. The five guarantees are not intended to release young family members from their responsibility for the care of the older family members. Parish and Whyte (1978) reported that only about 6% of all people over the age of 60 received aid from their commune. They observed that support is the obligation of the family, not the collective or the state, for the vast majority of old people in rural Kwantung. They note that whether a person lives securely or not is related to whether he or she can engage in private endeavors, such as raising chickens or vegetables for sale. A recent development in communes to assist elderly who do not have families is the provision of retirement homes, called “Homes for the Respect of the Elderly.” The author was part of a delegation who visited a home that had been opened in January of 1983, and we were told that people had been apprehensive about living together with non-family members. In order to give the home high standing, the administrator was the retired chairman of the entire commune. It was felt that his managerial expertise and his previous position would help to launch this innovative institution and give it a positive image. Another indication of the community’s concern for the elderly and anticipation of their needs was placement of the retirement home next to the hospital. Another major contrasting characteristic that may be used to compare the two societies and the treatment of the elderly relates to how authority is emphasized and how group pressure is employed as a means of social control. The emphasis upon the group is found within the family, the uhnwei(the immediate workplace), and also the larger group structures: the commune in rural areas, the neighborhood in cities, and of course in the Communist Party itself.

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The individualism of the United States compared to the group orientation in China is illustrated by the concept of danwei, for it is the basic building block of Chinese society. It represents more than a workplace to the Chinese, for it controls many activities of daily life. The danwei must give one permission to move and to travel, and it also may be required to obtain permission from one’s uiznwei to have visitors in the home. It goes beyond everyday affairs to checking potential marriage partners and obtaining permission to marry. Finally, it goes beyond life itself, for the aiznwei will arrange one’s funeral and cremation. Butterfield (1982) writes that dunwei vary considerably in the kind of services they provide. Only the largest have their own hospitals and schools. From the standpoint of the government, the dunwei operates as a means of control, as well as a social service and economic system. In contrast, the Older Americans Act (1965, p. 219) states in its declaration of objectives that older people should have: “Freedom, independence and the free exercise of individual initiative in planning and managing their own lives.”

COMPARING THE AGED IN TWO DIFFERING SOCIETIES In this article, we have described and analyzed the uniqueness of the Chinese and American ways of responding to an increased elderly population. We have provided a theoretical framework for comparing the two societies focusing on three major determinants: economic development, traditional cultural patterns, and social control mechanisms. We have also shown how these primary determinants are linked to a variety of outcomes that bear upon the elderly. These conclusions are based on available data gathered by a number of scholars and other contemporary observers. It is hoped that such an analysis will break down the commonly repeated stereotype, held by both Chinese and American observers, that the Chinese treat their elderly better than do Americans. In the area of aging, we cannot disentangle one set of attitudes or one isolated set of behaviors and generalize about the quality of life. One must see how the consequences or outcomes for the elderly are associated or correlated with the determinants. There are many strands in the contemporary social patterns having roots in each particular historic culture that influence how the elderly perceive their situations, react to them, and how each society provides for them. Both Chinese and American observers tend to see the shortcomings of the functioning of the American system in regard to the care of the elderly and to glorify the Chinese pattern. For example, two Chinese sociologists, Pan and Pan (1984, p. 65) believe that the emphasis on mutual responsibilities between the generations in China “will allow China to avoid the current serious social problems of Europe and America where elderly people have no one to look after them and must spend their later years in solitude.” Similarly, Francis Hsu (1972, p. 3 17), an anthropologist who was born and educated in China, writes: At middle age, Americans turn to regimes [sic] that give them a sense of continuing youthfulness. Men undertake activities that purport to sustain physical strength and vigor, women seek the beautician and masseuse who promise to maintain their waning glamour. For the average American, the approach of old age means the end of almost everything that gives life meaning. To the average Chinese, however, it marks the beginning of a loftier and more respected status.

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Fox Butterfield (1982, p. 217), an astute Chinese-speaking rary China in the post-Mao period, states:

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observer of contempo-

The greatest contrast to the West comes with old age. To Americans, it means the lonely end of life, the loss of vitality, insecurity, and perhaps a small retirement home in some city or a bed in a nursing home, far away from family. But as Chinese approach old age, they become more content. It is the summit of existence, honored as a minor form of immortality. To be called Lao, ‘old,’ is a compliment to a Chinese of either sex. Traditionally, as a person’s physical powers wane, he was thought to gain in wisdom.

These negative generalizations apply to only a small percentage of America’s elderly. There is a tremendous literature that points to the favorable economic and social conditions of most older persons in the United States (Binstock and Shanas 1985; Palmore 1984; Rossi 1985). For example, Kutza (198 1) states that while the elderly constitute approximately 11% of the population, they receive about a quarter of the federal budget. There is also a functioning informal helping network of friends and neighbors (Cantor 1979). Antonucci (1985) has shown how these networks are “convoys” that follow individuals over the life course, and Litwak’s (1985) research illustrates how the informal primary groups and relationships and the formal system share functions to provide support and care for older persons. In addition, the analyst of comparative patterns must not overlook the fact that no single aspect of government in the United States affects as many persons as the nation’s social insurance system-Social Security. Ninety-five percent of America’s aged receive a monthly retirement check, and when we include 4.5 million disabled workers, as well as their spouses and children, more than 36 million beneficiaries receive monthly benefits (Ball 1978; Kingson 1983). Within this individualistic, capitalistic state, a broad-ranging social insurance system has emerged with the following characteristics: it is a national plan and it has compulsory coverage and a contributory financing scheme. Benefits are a matter of right; benefits provide a floor of protection and the financing is pay-as-you go with a limited reserve (Chen 1983; Rosen 1982). This analysis examines the major determinants that affect the elderly in each culture and thus offers a balanced view of the social and cultural patterns that result in the strengths and weaknesses in these two complex societies. The security of Chinese elderly is based on the interaction between traditional family values, socialist ideology and material scarcities. The security of the American elderly results from an opposite set of variables: the interaction between capitalist ideology, material abundance, American family values of independence and self-reliance and a federal social security system. The themes we have set forth crisscross in each society to produce certain patterns for the elderly, and these are combined in a complex mosaic. The United States and other developed societies have different mosaics from the Chinese. Americans generally value the main tenets of their culture: individualism, free choice, privacy, youth, sexuality, and free enterprise. However, when some persons reach the age of 60 or over, they suddenly become aware that certain negative effects are the inevitable outcome of these traditions, values, standards, and patterns of behavior. It is perhaps unrealistic of these American elderly to desire at this point that the younger generation of family

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members and taxpayers should change their priorities when they, themselves, have been satisfied with these priorities for most of their adult lives. Coming to some understanding of the dependency of others and the possibility of one’s own dependency in later life is one of the patterns of growing older in the United States that is very threatening. The fear of physical or financial dependency in old age is closely bound to the social control system and the ideology of self-reliance and economic independence that is fostered in America. Research has shown that high morale is correlated with the appearance of self-reliance and independence. Margaret Clark (1972, p. 273), who has written a cogent and trenchant analysis based on her research on older persons in California, points out that American elderly have believed and taught their children that “dependency-except in young children-is either weak, psychopathic or un-American.“3 In contrast, the Chinese accept dependency as a.norm of reciprocity. For example, Davis-Freidmann (1983) observed that the elderly do not view their dependency as a fatal attack on their self-esteem, and the young and middle-aged do not entertain illusions of perpetual self-sufficiency or disengagement from the old. We can conclude that American society, with its emphasis on independence, free choice, and self-determination, has definite advantages for younger retired persons with good health and an adequate pension. In accordance with the Older Americans Act, they have the freedom to live their lives as they choose, spend their money as they please, and participate in social activities or withdraw. While they are not “needed,” as are the Chinese elderly, they can offer their skills and talents in family or community activities if they choose. They have the possibility of new experiences and the chance to pursue new interests. Chinese society, in contrast, carries many advantages for the frail or dependent elderly. Because of the norm of reciprocity and orientation to the family group, there is an acceptance of dependency as an inevitable part of growing old. This article has focused upon the uniqueness of Chinese and American societies and indicated some of the historical, economic, and social determinants. In comparing the situation of the elderly in these two large world cultures, one realizes that there is a gerontological reality that runs throughout the analysis in both societies: namely, getting old may mean becoming dependent. There is an increasing awareness in the United States among professionals, policy makers, and the elderly themselves that the major problems of old age do not start with retirement but occur perhaps 10 to 20 years later. As we look ahead into the twenty-first century, what changes can we forecast for the elderly of China? As the policy of modernization continues and increases the level of productivity, the implementation of social welfare programs will increase. This will focus attention more sharply on the relationship between the traditional family and the state in China. Liang et al. (1985, p. 19) states: “The tension already in existence will mount over time as the current family planning program further chips away at the cornerstone of the old age support. The state’s capability in replacing part of the responsibility from the family hinges on how well the modernization program proceeds.” Coale (1984) estimates that about 25% of China’s population will be over age 65 by 2035, partly as a consequence of the one-child family policy. This will profoundly affect the traditional norms, roles and relationships. The expectation that sons will be the principal source of support in old age will be altered. Whyte and Parish (1984)

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report there is a growing emphasis on bilineal descent in urban Chinese families. In rural areas, traditional Chinese family supports will probably prevail, but new family arrangements and support systems will be developed in cities.4 The ability of the extended family to solve the problems of the elderly will be reduced because of increased mobility resulting from modernization. However, the Chinese emphasis on collective responsibility will probably still prevail and an individualistic approach to provision for one’s old age will never be as salient as in contemporary United States. China as a planned society is considering other options, such as raising the retirement age. The creation of a broader pension scheme with contributory features has been proposed and an equalization of pension programs (Chu Chuanyi 1985). Difficult choices lie ahead and the Chinese will need to face these issues within the long tradition of their society’s approach to old age, family relations and government involvement (Liang 1985). There is a realization that programs and experiences of other countries, including the United States, may enter into their considerations. The People’s Republic of China will become the world’s largest laboratory in social gerontology in demonstrating how modernization in all its complexities together with ancient traditions can be combined in caring for millions of older persons for the first time in human history.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This article is an expanded and revised version of a paper presented at the 37th annual meeting of the Gerontological Society of America, San Antonio, Texas, November 17, 1984. The author thanks Xiangming Chen, Jersey Liang, and Jill Quadagno for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this article.

NOTES 1. In the fields of social gerontology and comparative aging, a modernization perspective was first discussed by Cowgill and Holmes (1972) and later modified by Cowgill (1974). Cowgill (1986) has responded to the criticisms raised by a number of authors; the important literature is cited in his book. It should be noted that although there is considerable criticism of the modernization or economic development perspective, it has considerable explanatory power. Further, it should be added that the importance of economic development as a determinant of change is accepted as an ideological goal and as a realistic economic plan in contemporary China. The volume by Ma Hong (1983), New Strategy for China’s Economy, describes the policy and the extensive readjustments planned to move China toward a more industrialized society. The magazine, China Reconstructs, published in Beijing (and in seven languages around the world), emphasizes in almost every recent number the importance of economic development. See, for example, Dong Shaohua (1985) “On Re-Structuring the National Economy-II.” 2. The complex ways in which the contemporary policies and programs in the field of health care have changed over time and the stimulus of the modernization theme is demonstrated by New and Cheung (1984). The title of their paper captures the blending of past and present: “The Evolution of Health Care in China: A Backward Look to the Future.” Medical care is subject to abrupt changes in policy as illustrated by the Barefoot Doctor policy of the People’s Republic of China (Rosenthal and Greiner 1982). 3. Both China and the United States are marked by ethnic and regional variations from a modal pattern. Dreyer (1976) reported on the forty millions who are minority nationalities in China and described their importance for reasons of national defense, economics and national

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pride. Jackson (1985) provides an extensive review of the research literature on variations in images, attitudes, activities, networks and programs among racial and ethnic groups in the United States. Kii (1984) offers a review of the literature on the Asian elderly in the United States. An example of how one ethnic group maintains social ties in a large city is shown by the work of Johnson (1985) in a study of Italian-Americans. 4. Ikels (1980) has described the transition process when the Chinese move from the country to the city (Hong Kong) and the new hazards and problems that city living creates for older persons. See also Ikels (1983) for a valuable description of aging and adaptation in Hong Kong and the greater Boston area in the United States.

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