Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 13, No. 2, 1984
Self-Disclosure: Implications for the Study of Parent-Adolescent Interaction J. Elizabeth NorrelU
Received March 19, 1984; acceptedApril 23, 1984
Self-disclosure is a process by which persons make themselves known to each other. As such, it is an integral part o f the family interaction process. In families in which adolescents are present, interaction may change as a result o f changes in degree, topic, or rate o f self-disclosure. Self-disclosure of adolescents and parents may change as a result o f adolescent development, specifically changes in cognitive and physical development and selfconcept. Implications o f changes in self-disclosure are discussed in relation to parent-adolescent interaction.
INTRODUCTION Self-disclosure is a component of interaction which can adversely influence or enhance the quality of relationships. Considered an essential part of family interaction, it has been included both in discussions of healthy family relationships and in discussions o f families who report problems in their relationships. The thesis of this article is that substantial changes in patterns of self-disclosure occur as children enter puberty and progress through the early years of adolescence. The changes in patterns of self-disclosure may not be apparent to family members, but can cause problems in the family. In order to approach a discussion o f changes in patterns o f selfdisclosure, reviews of related issues will be presented first. Information from these brief reviews will be integrated into final discussions on disclosure in
~Doctoral candidate, Department of Child and Family Development, College of Home Economics, Universityof Georgia. ReceivedM.S. from Winthrop College, Rock Hill, S.C. Major research interests include parent-adolescent interaction and adolescent development. 163
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families, with specific conclusions and implications for parent-adolescent interaction. The first section contains an overview of the evolution of the concept of self-disclosure, followed by sections that contain brief orientations to specific issues in self-disclosure: process, topic, and target. The relation of age, sex, race, birthorder, cognitive development, self-concept, and physical development of adolescents to self-disclosure is then examined.
SELF-DISCLOSURE D E F I N E D
The concept of self-disclosure was first discussed by Jourard (1958) in terms of a healthy personality-"real self-being." True self-disclosure occured when a person let others know what he genuinely felt and thought. This process allowed one to "get outside himself" and engage in selfdiscovery, which was facilitated if the one to whom the disclosure had been made (the target person) reflected back what he had heard. Jourard (1971) later restated this definition more succinctly as "the act of making yourself manifest, showing yourself so others can perceive you" (p. 19). Jourard's definition, while intuitively appealing, does not lend itself to one specific operational definition. Any kind of communication can be included in this definition of self-disclosure-verbal or nonverbal, written or o r a l . It may include both specific and general information; it may be disclosed intentionally or unintentionally. It does not require a specific target person. Subsequent authors refined the definition, adding components and therefore increasing the specificity of meanings. For example, Worthy et al. (1969) defined self-disclosure as "that which occurs when A knowingly communicates to B information about A which is not generally known and is not otherwise available to B" (p. 59). According to this definition, the disclosure is both intentional and private (Chelune, 1979). Cozby (1973) defined self-disclosure differently as "any information about himself which Person A communicates verbally to Person B" (p. 73). The Cozby definition refers to a process occurring in an interaction between two or more persons; personal information must be communicated verbally to someone (Chelune, 1979). Allen (1974) futher defined self-disclosure as "uncoerced exchanging of personal information in a positive relationship" (p. 198), limiting self-disclosure to voluntary verbal disclosure within a social context (Chelune, 1979). Thus, according to Allen, self-disclosure must be intentional and private, directed toward a specific target person, verbal, and voluntarily permitted within a social context. As self-disclosure has been redefined since 1963, it has become clear that self-disclosure is not a part of all interactions, but is a specific type of
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interaction containing elements of intentionality and privacy which may differentiate it from other components of interaction. There is also an implication of a target or targets for the disclosure.
PROCESS: RECIPROCITY
When studied as a process, self-disclosure is often explained in terms of social exchange or role theory. According to social exchange theory, relationships proceed from nonintimate to intimate areas of exchange; intimate disclosures are thought to be most reinforcing. The rate of progression is determined by the past and potential rewards and costs of such exchanges (Worthy et al., 1969). Social exchange theorists emphasize not only the process of the interaction but also the discloser's perception of himself, as well as the potential effect of his disclosure on the one to whom the disclosure is made (target person) (Balswick and Balkwell, 1977). The effects on the target person have been called the "reciprocity" or "dyadic" effect (Jourard and Landsman, 1960). This effect may take one of two paths referred to as the linear model and the curvilinear model. The linear model states, in general, that the greater the disclosure, the greater the satisfaction with the relationship (Jorgensen and Gaudy, 1980). The curvilinear model states that increases in disclosure may increase satisfaction, but at high intimacy levels various costs become salient, anxiety is produced as a result of the costs, and overall satisfaction decreases (Argyle and Kendon, 1967; Cozby, 1973; Levin and Gergen, 1969). Investigations of the self-disclosure of adolescents have not produced clear support for either model. Skypeck (1967) found a linear relation between children's disclosure to peers and a report of peer's disclosure to the children. Skypeck's sample included children aged 6-12; as age increased, so did overall amount of disclosure. Some researchers have found that adolescent females disclose more and are disclosed to more than males (Dimond and Munz, 1967; Kraft and Vraa, 1975; Yang and Hwang, 1980), indicating that people generally disclose more to those who disclose more to them. Woolfolk (1979) found an exception to the linear model, in that sixthgrade boys preferred low disclosing teachers, while girls did not discriminate between high and low disclosure, preferring the female teacher regardless of disclosure level. In general, though, findings from these studies appear consistent with the linear model of what has been called the reciprocity effect on self-disclosure. It is difficult to be certain whether the curvilinear model has ever been tested adequately with adolescents. In studies of adolescents, the targets usually include both parents and same- and opposite-sex friends. The
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amount of information disclosed by an adolescent may be high, but anxiety which results from high disclosure may be diffused if the disclosure is "spread" across four or more targets. The expected high anxiety with extensive disclosure may not be found when a study includes several targets. In other words, methodology to date has not allowed consideration of the curvilinear model.
TOPIC
Related to the issue of intimacy of disclosure is the content or topic of the disclosure. Jourard's (1971) original questionnaire included questions on attitudes and opinions, tastes and interests, work or studies, money, personality, and body. The effects of topic on self-disclosure in family interaction remain unclear, although evidence supports the notion that adolescents are selective about the target of certain topics of disclosure. Many have pointed out the necessity of measuring the differences found in self-disclosure of adolescents on various topics (Davidson et al., 1980; Mulcahey, 1973). Intuitively, it seems obvious that adolescents may disclose different kinds of information to their friends than to their parents, and that they may disclose differently to males than to females. When analyzed for topic, several consistent findings are noted in the disclosure of adolescents. Across sex, adolescents disclosed more about school, tastes and interests, attitudes and opinions, than money, personality, and body (Sparks, 1976). In similar studies, differences between sexes were found, with males disclosing highly on tastes and interests, studies, and attitudes and opinions, and females disclosing most on taste and interests, and personality (Mulcahey, 1973). A factor analysis of an abbreviated form of the Jourard Self-Disclosure Questionnaire yielded results indicating that males and females differed in topic and target choice. The four factors were Revealing General Information, Revealing Personal Information, Revealing Sexuality to Peers, and Revealing Sexuality to Parents. Females' disclosure scores were highest on the General and Personal Information factors; males' scores were highest on Revealing Sexuality to Parents (Davidson et aL, 1980). When considering variations in topic of disclosure found during adolescence, at least two possibilities must be considered. First, it is possible that adolescents are changing the topics about which they will disclose, so that they disclose on different topics than they did as younger children. They may, on the other hand, be disclosing to different targets about the same topic (e.g., sex to peers rathers that to parents), which may give the impression that the choice of topic of disclosure has changed.
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TARGET The "target" of a disclosure is the person to whom the disclosure is made. Although related to the topic of disclosure, targets should be considered a separate issue. For example, children and adolescents in grades 4-12, regardless of gender, preferred mothers as targets of disclosure (Rivenbark, 1971). Similar findings have been reported by many researchers (Balswick and Baldwell, 1977; Dalusio, 1972; Dimond and Munz, 1967; Dimond and Hellcamp, 1969; Yang and Hwang, 1980). When friends were preferred, adolescents preferred same-sex friends (Dimond and Hellcamp, 1969; Dimond and Munz, 1967; Kraft and Vraa, 1975; Rivenbark, 1971; Sparks, 1976; West and Zingle, 1969). As mentioned, if reciprocity has the predicted linear effect, disclosure would be greatest to those who disclose most. If females (particularly mothers) disclose most, then it should follow that they would receive more disclosure. Indeed, mothers and female peers receive more disclosures than males (Rivenbark, 1971; Yang and Hwang, 1980). Findings regarding disclosure to fathers are more difficult to interpret. Although Rivenbark (1971) found that disclosure to fathers decreased at an earlier age than disclosure to mothers, other investigators found that male adolescents disclose more to their fathers than do female adolescents (Balswick and Balkwell, 1977; Wiebe and Williams, 1972). Choice of target by adolescent within the family may be affected by the dynamics of the family. Adolescent disclosure seems to be affected by perceptions of worth as a family member (Sparks, 1976) and by the amount of parental affection received (Snoek and Rothblum, 1979). However, these relations are unclear because the disclosing behaviors of the parents are unknown. Parents who are perceived as supportive and affectionate may be parents who disclose more information about themselves and their feelings, thereby eliciting more disclosure from their adolescents.
CHARACTERISTICS OF ADOLESCENT DISCLOSURES
Age Although it has been assumed that as adolescents grow older, the amount of self-disclosure to their parents decreases, this conclusion is not clear from the data. Comparing subjects in the fourth, sixth, eighth, tenth, and twelfth grades, Rivenbark (1971) found that disclosure to peers increases with age. For boys, disclosure to parents drops dramatically around
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the tenth grade, but returns to the earlier level by the twelfth grade. Disclosure to parents for girls remains about the same throughout adolescence. However, when Sinha (1972) compared Indian females in early (12-14), mid- (15-16), and late (17-18) adolescence, she found that selfdisclosure varied with age. Median seif-disclosure scores were lower at midthan at early or late adolescence. She hypothesized that from early to mid-adolescence, girls become more self-conscious and inhibited, and may disclose less. As they reach late adolescence, they become more mature and disclose more. In comparing college and high school students, Snoek and Rothblum (1979) found that college students reported higher self-disclosure in general than high school students, but reported no differences in amount to parents and peers.
Sex
The relation between sex of the discloser and amount of disclosure has been studied rather extensively in adolescence, but the relation remains unclear. Some investigators have found that females disclose more than males (Dimond and Munz, 1967; Kraft and Vraa, 1975; Littlefield, 1974; Lord and Velicer, 1975; Snoek and Rothblum, 1979; Rivenbark, 1971; Wiebe and Scott, 1976; Yang and Hwang, 1980). Others have found no differences in amount of disclosure between male and female adolescents (Balswick and Balkwell, 1977; Dimond and Hellcamp, 1969; Ohlson, 1974; Sparks, 1976; Wiebe and Williams, 1972). In reporting sex differences, many researchers have summed across all ages and topics. Most research on sex differences correlated overall selfdisclosure and sex (Chelune, 1979), thereby masking important sex differences. A variety of subject and target characteristics may intervene in this relation, indicating that the relation may not be as simple as thought (Rosenfeld et al., 1979). For example, Davidson, et al. (1980) found that amount of disclosure differed by sex, with females revealing more general and personal information, while males revealed more information regarding their sexuality to parents. Similarly, Mulcahey (1973) and Sparks (1976) found that females disclosed more on personality factors, and males disclosed more on work (studies) and attitudes and opinions. West (1970) found that although female adolescents are more selective in target choice than are males, males pay more attention to the content than do females. Females tend to disclose more to female targets (mothers and peers) than males do. Mothers are the most preferred target for both sexes (Rivenbark, 1971; Yang and Hwang, 1980), but males will disclose more to fathers than females will.
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Why males and females differ in target and topics of disclosure is not clear. It has been suggested that females are socialized to disclose more (Jourard, 1971) and that males may avoid self-disclosure in order to maintain control in a relationship (Rosenfeld, 1979). When females avoid selfdisclosure, it is to avoid personal hurt and problems with their interpersonal relationships. In studies of the inexpressive male, Balswick and Peek (1971) indicated that males are taught different patterns of self-disclosure, namely, to be the "strong, silent type." For a complete understanding of selfdisclosure among adolescents, it will be necessary to study self-disclosure in the context of all of the major socialization influences (e.g., parents, peers, and schools).
Race
Levels of self-disclosure among White, Black, and Mexican-American adolescents were investigated by Littlefield (1974), who found that Whites disclosed more than Blacks, who disclosed more than Mexican-Americans. Although all males preferred their mother as the favorite target person, White and Mexican-American adolescent females preferred their best female friend; Black females preferred their mothers. In all cases, father was the least preferred target. Dimond and Hellcamp (1969) found that Whites disclosed more than Blacks, but at slightly older ages. Balswick and BalkweU (1977) found no variation in overall amount of self-disclosure by race, although Blacks, both males and females, disclosed more to mothers than did Whites.
Birth Order It has been suggested that first-borns, under conditions of anxiety, would exhibit more affiliative tendencies than later-borns (Shachter, 1959). In nonstress situations, however, later-borns can be expected to engage in affiliative behaviors. If it is true, as suggested by Jourard (1958), that affiliation requires breaking down barriers between people by disclosing personal information about oneself, later-borns should disclose more in nonstress situations. Comparing first- and later-born adolescents, Dimond and Munz (1967) found that later-born adolescents disclosed at a higher rate; these authors concluded that later-borns were more affiliative. Replicating the previous study, Dimond and Hellcamp (1969) again found that later-borns disclosed more than first-borns. However, Snoek and Roth-
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blum (1979) found no differences between later-borns and first-borns; rather, parental style was the factor most strongly associated with selfdisclosure.
Cognitive Development Because cognitive functioning o f the adolescent undergoes considerable change during adolescence, it is important to consider the implications of cognitive change on self-disclosure. According to the Piagetian model, the formal operations stage found in adolescence is embedded in that which is learned in prior stages (Inhelder and Piaget, 1958). Based on the understanding o f logic and relationships learned in previous stages, the formal operational person can extend this process to abstract constructs. The adolescent is capable of imagining the possibilities inherent in a situation, and can combine and deal with many facets of a situation at the same time. Moreover, adolescents can use symbols for symbols, developing a second symbol system, which enhances the thinking ability o f the adolescents by giving them much more flexibility. Adolescents can also deal with contraryto-fact situations, or the real and the unreal. Adolescents can imagine and portray that which is not real, including an ability to portray their perceptions o f themselves as real or unreal. Being "one's real self," Jourard (1958) observed, is essential to healthy personality. To be a real self implies that there is an unreal self, a fake self in which information may be disclosed which is not true and does not represent true feelings and thoughts. Self-disclosure, then, may be altered by the ability to misrepresent feelings and thoughts. If humans cannot present a fake self prior to the formal operations stage because they are unable to deal with contrary-to-fact situations, then two new abilities are evident at adolescencg: the ability to establish an identity by defining oneself as separate from one's environment (parents, peers, etc.) and the ability to pretend to be that which one is not. In terms of interaction in the family, these two new abilities will certainly have an impact. Elder (1963, 1968, 1971) has suggested that conflict between parents and adolescents is due, in part, to adolescents' awareness o f the difference between the possible and the real. With this ability, adolescents can respond to parental demands with a list of possible alternatives. Parents may or may not respond positively to this new quality of interaction with their child. Moreover, although the child can respond, there is no reason to expect that the child must respond. Another new ability, the generation o f abstract possibilities, may be a task in which the adolescent is engaging but not disclosing. The parent may be completely unaware of this
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process or of the changes within the adolescent's ability to reason. If the parent continues to respond based on past disclosure of the adolescent, and the adolescent has changed but not disclosed this to the parent, conflict may ensue. Reports of perceptions of conflict in parent-adolescent relationships have indicated an increase in conflict early in adolescence (Block, 1937; Lewis, 1971). Self-Concept
The construct self-concept has been the subject of much research and theorizing, particularly with adolescents as subjects (cf. Dusek and Flaherty, 1981; Gergen, 1971; Wylie, 1961 for a more complete review). Because of the physical and cognitive changes occurring during adolescence, it has been thought that self-concept undergoes a unique transition (Erikson, 1968) or that it cannot even be formed until this period (Okum and Sasfy, 1977). Most theorists believe that the formation of self-concept occurs within the family setting, beginning in childhood. One of the main processes by which self-concept is formed is through reflected appraisals, which are a type of self-disclosure (see Gergen, 1971, for an excellent discussion of the concept of reflected appraisals). Self-concepts, then, are derived in part from perceptions of evaluations of self by others. A second major process is social comparison, typically regarding a particular characteristic. The very young child's idea of "self" is based on the reflection of parents, and comparisons are often family based, whether parent or sibling referred (Gecas and Pasley, 1982). Reflected appraisals in families may take the form of self-disclosure, particularly when parents or siblings express attitudes and opinions about a person's functioning. Studying adolescents in grades 10-12, Sparks (1976) found that disclosure to family members depended on students' self-esteem and perceptions of worth as family members. Although this was not confirmed in interaction with peers (Wildman, 1973), several authors have theorized that disclosure to parents was greater when parents were perceived to be warm and caring (Snoek and Rothblum, 1979; Sparks, 1976). Parents who were perceived to be warm and caring to adolescents were considered more likely to have been more warm and caring during the child's early years of self-concept formation. As adolescents begin to move toward higher disclosure to peers, they typically choose same-sex peers, perhaps indicating that the reflected appraisal from peers has become more positive than the reflected appraisals from parents, and that social comparison with peers is more similar.
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Physical Development
At the age of 10, with an average rate of development, girls have already attained 84°7o and boys 78o7o of their adult height (Bayley, 1956). One of the clear signs of puberty is not the gain in height, but the rate of gain in height. As Figure 1 shows, females' growth spurt typically begins between 10 and 11, peaks at about age 12, and ends by age 14 (Marshall and Tanner, 1970). Menarche typically occurs approximately one year after peak rate of growth. As Figure 2 shows, males' increase in growth rate occurs approximately two years later, peaks at 14, and ends at 16 (Marshall and Tanner, 1969). At the end of this growth spurt, both males and females have reached 98o7o of their adult height (Khatchadourian, 1977). The importance of physical development to self-disclosure can be seen if patterns of rate of growth are compared with patterns of self-disclosure. G r ~ & h Spurt: Height (Rate of Growth)
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Fig. 1. Females' growth rate and mean disclosure rate (Marshall and Tanner, 1970; Rivenbark, 1971).
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Studying adolescents in grades 4, 6, 8, 10, and 12, Rivenbark (1971) has provided data on the developmental trend of self-disclosure among adolescents to both parents and peers. Interestingly, the low point in the amount of disclosure to parents for boys occurred at the average peak rate of growth for boys (eighth grade) (see Figure 2). Although the drop for females in self-disclosure to parents was not as severe, a slight decrease occurred for females at the sixth grade, when girls are about 12 years of age, which is the average peak rate of growth for females (see Figure 1). Disclosure to parents, by adolescents decreased when the most obvious physiological c h a n g e - the growth s p u r t - occurred. This change in relationship may be due to the fact that the adolescent feels differently, or it may occur because the parent is beginning to perceive the adolescent differently.
Growth Spurt: Height irate of Graw~h)
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Fig. 2. Males' growth rate and mean disclosure rate (Marshall and Tanner, 1970; Rivenbark, 1971).
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DISCLOSURE IN FAMILIES Disclosure in family interaction has been addressed primarily in terms of overall communication among family members. Because communication is necessary to maintain the structure of the family (Waterman, 1979), the critical self-disclosure in family interaction would be of thoughts and feelings relevant to maintaining the family as a functional unit. These patterns of interaction may vary from family to family, or within the family across time. Some information may be expressed only to certain family members and not to others without disrupting the balance (Waterman, 1979). Dysfunctional communication patterns may exist between some family members, while functional patterns exist with other members (Minuchin, 1974). Changes in an individual family member's development or ability may change communication patterns of other members (Steinberg, 1981; Steinberg and Hill, 1978). The nature and patterns of self-disclosure in families are not clear. The information regarding self-disclosure in families outside the marital relationship comes primarily from older adolescents and college-aged students (Waterman, 1979) and focuses on amount and targets of self-disclosure. As discussed, the literature on adolescents as disclosers can be summarized as follows: 1. Adolescents report that their mothers receive more disclosure from them than do fathers (Dalusio, 1972; Jourard, 1971; Komarovsky, 1974; Rivenbark, 1971). 2. Children disclose increasingly more to peers during adolescence (Jourard, 1971; Komarovsky, 1974; Rivenbark, 1971; West and Zingle, 1969). 3. There seem to be sex differences in both amount of disclosure and target of disclosure, although the specific effects are unclear (Jourard, 1971; Komarovsky, 1974). Regarding parental disclosure to adolescents, Dalusio (1972) found that parents reported more disclosure than their children perceived. Daughters were more accurate than sons in their perception of parental disclosure, and daughters received more than sons. Sons disclosed less and perceived that they received less disclosure than other family members, but they still disclosed more than they received. Mothers both disclosed more and received more disclosure than did fathers. An effect of family structure and birth order has been found in a study of adolescents whose parents were divorced. Although most research on self-disclosure in adolescence has been conducted on intact families, Ohlson
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(1974) compared self-disclosure among first- and later-born adolescents from divorced and nondivorced homes. Later-borns disclosed more in nondivorced homes, but first-horns disclosed more in divorced homes. There was more overall disclosure in the nondivorced homes, both to parents and to same- and opposite-sex friends. The self-disclosure patterns of parents and adolescents appear to be influenced by various factors in the home environment. Because of the necessity of self-disclosure in maintaining the family unit, and because disclosure patterns may change when children reach adolescence, the patterns which exist in families are an important focus in the study of self-disclosure.
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS The degree, topic, and rate of disclosure appear to be dependent upon the social environment. People disclose to those who disclose to them. They disclose more to those who are warm and accepting. Because the family is the primary socializing agent, people first learn to disclose in that setting. Keeping in mind the research reported here, it is possible to speculate about the effects that self-disclosure may have on family interaction and parent-adolescent interaction. Although degree of self-disclosure is likely to be greater if disclosure is reciprocated, young children may be socialized to disclose to their parents, whether or not the parents reciprocate the disclosure. As the children enter puberty, they may react to self-disclosure without reciprocity with caution and decrease disclosure to parents. Parents, unpracticed at disclosure to their children, may be unprepared to deal with this change in expectation. Future investigators may wish to examine changes in self-disclosure over time, measuring not only the disclosures of children but also parental disclosures. Topics of interest change during adolescence. Adolescents tend to think more about sex, careers, and friends. They can also, because of increased cognitive functioning, think about old topics differently and manipulate ideas in their minds. Adolescents may not disclose as much to parents because they are unsure if their thoughts and feelings are acceptable. Changes in topic of disclosure over time must be accompanied by an acceptance of the change by both parents and the adolescent. If parents are unwilling to listen to the adolescent's disclosure, the adolescent can be expected to turn to other targets for disclosure. If adolescents perceive their thoughts to be unacceptable to their parents, they may not attempt disclosure on the topics. The determination of acceptability of topic of disclosure is, in part, a matter of socialization. Familes teach what is acceptable to discuss and, specifically, what parents are willing to hear.
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Rate o f disclosure to parents drops as growth in height reaches its peak rate (Rivenbark, 1971). Perhaps, over time, there is an interaction o f the effects of rate and topic. For example, adolescents may question the acceptability o f topic more at the point where the effects o f physical char~ge are greatest, resulting in a drop in overall disclosure. However, as the adolescent ages, interests may again appear to be a c c e p t a b l e - p o s s i b l y because interests are appropriate for age or because interests have c h a n g e d - t h u s resulting in a rate of disclosure that is similar to prepuberty rate o f disclosure. Both topic and rate of disclosure must be studied simultaneously for this relation to be clarified. Additionally, the silent effects o f internal physical development have an impact on the external behaviors o f the adolescent and parents in ways not clearly understood. The potential effects must be considered when parent-adolescent interaction is studied. In conclusion, people learn by receiving messages from others. They modify their behavior as the impact of their behavior on others becomes apparent. This process o f socialization first occurs in the family setting. As the adolescent achieves more independence and is affected by changes in development, this process may change; it is, nevertheless, an important dimension o f the socialization process. If patterns of change in selfdisclosure are documented over the course o f adolescence, then a clearer understanding of the parent-adolescent relationship will he obtained.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT The author wishes to thank Lynda H. Waiters for her valuable comments on earlier drafts o f this article.
REFERENCES
Allen, J. G. (1974). When does exchangingpersonal information constitute self-disclosure?Psychol. Rep. 35(1): 195-198. Argyle, M., and Kendon, H. (1967). The experimental analysis of social performance. In Berkowitz, L. (ed.), Advances in ExperimentalSocialPsychology, AcademicPress, New York. Balswick, J. O., and Balkwell, J. W. (1977). Self-disclosureto same- and opposite-sex parents: An empirical test of insights from role theory. Sociometry 40(3): 282-286. Balswick, J. O., and Peek, C. W. (1971). The inexpressive male: An American tragedy. Faro. Coord. 20: 363-368. Bayley, N. (1956). Growth curvesof height and weight by age for boys and girls, scaled according to physical maturity. J. Pediat. 48: 187-194. Block, V. L. (1937). Conflicts of adolescents with their mothers. J. Abnorm. Soc. PsychoL 32: 193-206. Chelune, G. J. (ed.). (1979). Self-Disclosure: Origins, Patterns, and Implications of Openness in Interpersonal Relationships, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco. Cozby, P. C. (1973). Self-disclosure: A literature review. Psychol. Bull. 79(2): 73-91.
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Dalusio, V. E. (1972). Self-disclosure and perception of that self-disclosure between parents and their teenage children. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, United States International University. Davidson, B., Balswick, J. O., and Halverson, C. F. (1980). Factor analysis of self-disclosure for adolescents. Adolescence 15(60): 947-957. Dimond, R. E., and HeUcamp, D. T. (1969). Race, sex, ordinal position of birth, and selfdisclosure in high school students. PsychoL Rep. 21: 829-833. Dimond, R. E., and Munz, D. C. (1967). Ordinal position of birth and self-disclosure in high school students. Psychol. Rep. 21: 829-833. Dusek, J. B., and Flaherty, J. F. (1981). The development of self-disclosure during the adolescent years. Monogr. Soc. Res. Child Dev. 46(4, Serial No. 191). Elder, G. H., Jr. (1963). Parental power legitimation and its effects on the adolescent. Sociometry 26: 50-65. Elder, G. H., Jr. (1968). parent-youth relations in cross-national perspective. Soc. Sci. Quart. 49: 216-228. Elder, G. H., Jr. (1971). Adolescent Socialization and Personality Development, Rand McNally, Chicago. Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity, Youth and Crisis, Norton, New York. Gecas, V., and Pasley, K. (1982). Birth order and self-conception in adolescence. Paper presented at the meeting of the National Council on Family Relations, Washington, D.C. Gergen, K. J. (1971). The Concept of Self, Holt, New York. lnhelder, B., and Piaget, J. (1958). The Growth of Logical Thinkingfrom Childhood to Adolescence, Basic Books, New York. Jorgensen, S. R., and Gaudy, J. C. (1980). Self-disclosure and satisfaction in marriage. Faro. Relat. 29: 281-287. Jourard, S. M. (1958). Personal Adjustment: An Approach through the Study of Healthy Personality, Macmillan, New York. Jourard, S. M. (1971). Self-Disclosure:An ExperimentalAnalysis of the Transparent Self, Wiley, New York. Jourard, S. M., and Landsman, M. J. (1960). Cognition, cathexis, and the "dyadic effect" in men's self-disclosing behavior. Merrill-Palmer Quart. 6: 178-186. Khatchadourian, H. (1977). The Biology of Adolescence, Freeman, San Francisco. Komarovsky, M. (1974). Patterns of self-disclosure of male undergraduates. £ Marr. Fam. 36(4): 677-686. Kraft, L. W., and Vraa, C. W. (1975). Sex composition of groups and pattern of self-disclosure by high school females. PsychoL Rep. 37: 733-734. Levin, F. M., and Gergen, K. J. (1969). Revealing, ingratiation, and the disclosure of self. Proceed. 77th Annual Convent. Am. PsychoL Assoc. 4: 447-448. Lewis, M. A. (1971). Adolescent self-concept in relation to the degree of conflict adolescents perceive existing between themselves and their parents. Unpublished master's thesis, Syracuse University. Littlefield, R. P. (1974). Self-disclosure among some Negro, white, and Mexican-American adolescents. J. Counsel Psychol. 21(2): 133-136. Lord, C. G., and Velicer, W. F. (1975). Effects of sex, birth order, target's relationship and target's sex on self-disclosure by college students. PsychoL Rep. 37:1167-1170. Marshall, W. A., and Tanner, J. M. (1969). Variations in the pattern of pubertal changes in girls. Arch. Dis. Child. 44: 291-303. Marshall, W. A., and Tanner, J. M. (1970). Variations in the pattern of pubertal changes in boys. Arch. Dis. Child. 45: 13-23. Minuchin, S. (1974). FamiliesandFamily Therapy, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. Mulcahey, G. A. (1973). Sex differences in patterns of self-disclosure among adolescents: A developmental perspective. J. Youth Adoles. 2: 343-356. Ohlson, L. E. (1974). The effects of the female-based family and birth order on the ability to self-disclose. J. Psychol. 87: 56-69. Okum, M. A., and Sasfy, J. H. (1977). Adolescence, the self-concept, and formal operations. Adolescence 12(47): 373-379.
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Rivenbark, W. H. (1971). Self-disclosure patterns among adolescents. Psychol. Rep. 28: 35-42. Rosenfeld, L. B. (1979). Self-disclosure avoidance: Why I am afraid to tell you who I am. Communicat. Monogr. 46(1): 63-74. Rosenfeld, L. B., Civikly, J. M., and Herron, J. R. (1979). Anatomical and psychological sex differences. In Chelune, G. J. (ed.), Self-Disclosure: Origins, Patterns, and Irnplications o f Openness in Interpersonal Relationships, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco. Schachter, S. (1959). The Psychology o f Affiliation, Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif. Sinha, V. (1972). Age differences in self-disclosure. Dev. Psychol. 7(3): 257-258. Skypeck, G. (1967). Self-disclosure in children, ages six through twelve. Unpublished master's thesis, University of Florida. Snoek, D., and Rothblum, E. (1979). Self-disclosure among adolescents in relation to parental affection and control patterns. Adolescence 14(54): 333-340. Sparks, D. C. (1976). Self-disclosure and its relationship to self-concept among students in a selected high school. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan. Steinberg, L. D. (1981). Transformations in family relations at puberty. Dev. PsychoL 47(6): 833-840. Steinberg, L. D., and Hill, J. P. (1978). Patterns of family interaction as a function of age, the onset of puberty, and formal thinking. Dev. PsychoL 14(6): 683-684. Waterman, J. (1979). Family patterns of self-disclosure. In Chelune, G. J. (ed.), Self-Disclosure: Origins, Patterns, and hnplications of Openness in Interpersonal Relationships, JosseyBass, San Francisco. West, L. W. (1970). Sex differences in the exercise of circumspection in self-disclosure among adolescents. PsychoL Rep. 26: 266. West, L. W., and Zingle, H. W. (1969). A self-disclosure inventory for adolescents. Psychol. Rep. 24: 439-455. Wiebe, B., and Scott, T. B. (1976). Self-disclosure patterns of Mennonite adolescents to parents and their perceived relationships. PsychoL Rep. 39: 355-358. Wiebe, B., and Williams, J. D. (1972). Self-disclosure to parents by high school seniors. PsychoL Rep. 31: 690. Wildman, L. L. (1973). The effect of dyadic exercises in self-disclosure on the self-concept and social acceptability of preadolescents. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Maryland. Woolfolk, A. E. (1979). Self-disclosure in the classroom: An experimental study. Contemp. Educ. PsychoL 4(2): 132-139. Worthy, M., Gary, A. L., and Kahn, G. M. (1969). Self-disclosure as an exchange process. J. Personal Soc. Psychol. 13: 59-63. Wylie, R. C. (1961). The Self-Concept: A Critical Survey of Pertinent Research Literature, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Yang, M., and Hwang, K. (1980). The Vedge model of self-disclosure and its correlates. Acta Psychol. Taiwan. 22: 51-70.
Self-Disclosure: Implications for the Study of Parent-Adolescent Interaction J. Elizabeth NorrelU
Received March 19, 1984; acceptedApril 23, 1984
Self-disclosure is a process by which persons make themselves known to each other. As such, it is an integral part o f the family interaction process. In families in which adolescents are present, interaction may change as a result o f changes in degree, topic, or rate o f self-disclosure. Self-disclosure of adolescents and parents may change as a result o f adolescent development, specifically changes in cognitive and physical development and selfconcept. Implications o f changes in self-disclosure are discussed in relation to parent-adolescent interaction.
INTRODUCTION Self-disclosure is a component of interaction which can adversely influence or enhance the quality of relationships. Considered an essential part of family interaction, it has been included both in discussions of healthy family relationships and in discussions o f families who report problems in their relationships. The thesis of this article is that substantial changes in patterns of self-disclosure occur as children enter puberty and progress through the early years of adolescence. The changes in patterns of self-disclosure may not be apparent to family members, but can cause problems in the family. In order to approach a discussion o f changes in patterns o f selfdisclosure, reviews of related issues will be presented first. Information from these brief reviews will be integrated into final discussions on disclosure in
~Doctoral candidate, Department of Child and Family Development, College of Home Economics, Universityof Georgia. ReceivedM.S. from Winthrop College, Rock Hill, S.C. Major research interests include parent-adolescent interaction and adolescent development. 163
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families, with specific conclusions and implications for parent-adolescent interaction. The first section contains an overview of the evolution of the concept of self-disclosure, followed by sections that contain brief orientations to specific issues in self-disclosure: process, topic, and target. The relation of age, sex, race, birthorder, cognitive development, self-concept, and physical development of adolescents to self-disclosure is then examined.
SELF-DISCLOSURE D E F I N E D
The concept of self-disclosure was first discussed by Jourard (1958) in terms of a healthy personality-"real self-being." True self-disclosure occured when a person let others know what he genuinely felt and thought. This process allowed one to "get outside himself" and engage in selfdiscovery, which was facilitated if the one to whom the disclosure had been made (the target person) reflected back what he had heard. Jourard (1971) later restated this definition more succinctly as "the act of making yourself manifest, showing yourself so others can perceive you" (p. 19). Jourard's definition, while intuitively appealing, does not lend itself to one specific operational definition. Any kind of communication can be included in this definition of self-disclosure-verbal or nonverbal, written or o r a l . It may include both specific and general information; it may be disclosed intentionally or unintentionally. It does not require a specific target person. Subsequent authors refined the definition, adding components and therefore increasing the specificity of meanings. For example, Worthy et al. (1969) defined self-disclosure as "that which occurs when A knowingly communicates to B information about A which is not generally known and is not otherwise available to B" (p. 59). According to this definition, the disclosure is both intentional and private (Chelune, 1979). Cozby (1973) defined self-disclosure differently as "any information about himself which Person A communicates verbally to Person B" (p. 73). The Cozby definition refers to a process occurring in an interaction between two or more persons; personal information must be communicated verbally to someone (Chelune, 1979). Allen (1974) futher defined self-disclosure as "uncoerced exchanging of personal information in a positive relationship" (p. 198), limiting self-disclosure to voluntary verbal disclosure within a social context (Chelune, 1979). Thus, according to Allen, self-disclosure must be intentional and private, directed toward a specific target person, verbal, and voluntarily permitted within a social context. As self-disclosure has been redefined since 1963, it has become clear that self-disclosure is not a part of all interactions, but is a specific type of
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interaction containing elements of intentionality and privacy which may differentiate it from other components of interaction. There is also an implication of a target or targets for the disclosure.
PROCESS: RECIPROCITY
When studied as a process, self-disclosure is often explained in terms of social exchange or role theory. According to social exchange theory, relationships proceed from nonintimate to intimate areas of exchange; intimate disclosures are thought to be most reinforcing. The rate of progression is determined by the past and potential rewards and costs of such exchanges (Worthy et al., 1969). Social exchange theorists emphasize not only the process of the interaction but also the discloser's perception of himself, as well as the potential effect of his disclosure on the one to whom the disclosure is made (target person) (Balswick and Balkwell, 1977). The effects on the target person have been called the "reciprocity" or "dyadic" effect (Jourard and Landsman, 1960). This effect may take one of two paths referred to as the linear model and the curvilinear model. The linear model states, in general, that the greater the disclosure, the greater the satisfaction with the relationship (Jorgensen and Gaudy, 1980). The curvilinear model states that increases in disclosure may increase satisfaction, but at high intimacy levels various costs become salient, anxiety is produced as a result of the costs, and overall satisfaction decreases (Argyle and Kendon, 1967; Cozby, 1973; Levin and Gergen, 1969). Investigations of the self-disclosure of adolescents have not produced clear support for either model. Skypeck (1967) found a linear relation between children's disclosure to peers and a report of peer's disclosure to the children. Skypeck's sample included children aged 6-12; as age increased, so did overall amount of disclosure. Some researchers have found that adolescent females disclose more and are disclosed to more than males (Dimond and Munz, 1967; Kraft and Vraa, 1975; Yang and Hwang, 1980), indicating that people generally disclose more to those who disclose more to them. Woolfolk (1979) found an exception to the linear model, in that sixthgrade boys preferred low disclosing teachers, while girls did not discriminate between high and low disclosure, preferring the female teacher regardless of disclosure level. In general, though, findings from these studies appear consistent with the linear model of what has been called the reciprocity effect on self-disclosure. It is difficult to be certain whether the curvilinear model has ever been tested adequately with adolescents. In studies of adolescents, the targets usually include both parents and same- and opposite-sex friends. The
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amount of information disclosed by an adolescent may be high, but anxiety which results from high disclosure may be diffused if the disclosure is "spread" across four or more targets. The expected high anxiety with extensive disclosure may not be found when a study includes several targets. In other words, methodology to date has not allowed consideration of the curvilinear model.
TOPIC
Related to the issue of intimacy of disclosure is the content or topic of the disclosure. Jourard's (1971) original questionnaire included questions on attitudes and opinions, tastes and interests, work or studies, money, personality, and body. The effects of topic on self-disclosure in family interaction remain unclear, although evidence supports the notion that adolescents are selective about the target of certain topics of disclosure. Many have pointed out the necessity of measuring the differences found in self-disclosure of adolescents on various topics (Davidson et al., 1980; Mulcahey, 1973). Intuitively, it seems obvious that adolescents may disclose different kinds of information to their friends than to their parents, and that they may disclose differently to males than to females. When analyzed for topic, several consistent findings are noted in the disclosure of adolescents. Across sex, adolescents disclosed more about school, tastes and interests, attitudes and opinions, than money, personality, and body (Sparks, 1976). In similar studies, differences between sexes were found, with males disclosing highly on tastes and interests, studies, and attitudes and opinions, and females disclosing most on taste and interests, and personality (Mulcahey, 1973). A factor analysis of an abbreviated form of the Jourard Self-Disclosure Questionnaire yielded results indicating that males and females differed in topic and target choice. The four factors were Revealing General Information, Revealing Personal Information, Revealing Sexuality to Peers, and Revealing Sexuality to Parents. Females' disclosure scores were highest on the General and Personal Information factors; males' scores were highest on Revealing Sexuality to Parents (Davidson et aL, 1980). When considering variations in topic of disclosure found during adolescence, at least two possibilities must be considered. First, it is possible that adolescents are changing the topics about which they will disclose, so that they disclose on different topics than they did as younger children. They may, on the other hand, be disclosing to different targets about the same topic (e.g., sex to peers rathers that to parents), which may give the impression that the choice of topic of disclosure has changed.
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TARGET The "target" of a disclosure is the person to whom the disclosure is made. Although related to the topic of disclosure, targets should be considered a separate issue. For example, children and adolescents in grades 4-12, regardless of gender, preferred mothers as targets of disclosure (Rivenbark, 1971). Similar findings have been reported by many researchers (Balswick and Baldwell, 1977; Dalusio, 1972; Dimond and Munz, 1967; Dimond and Hellcamp, 1969; Yang and Hwang, 1980). When friends were preferred, adolescents preferred same-sex friends (Dimond and Hellcamp, 1969; Dimond and Munz, 1967; Kraft and Vraa, 1975; Rivenbark, 1971; Sparks, 1976; West and Zingle, 1969). As mentioned, if reciprocity has the predicted linear effect, disclosure would be greatest to those who disclose most. If females (particularly mothers) disclose most, then it should follow that they would receive more disclosure. Indeed, mothers and female peers receive more disclosures than males (Rivenbark, 1971; Yang and Hwang, 1980). Findings regarding disclosure to fathers are more difficult to interpret. Although Rivenbark (1971) found that disclosure to fathers decreased at an earlier age than disclosure to mothers, other investigators found that male adolescents disclose more to their fathers than do female adolescents (Balswick and Balkwell, 1977; Wiebe and Williams, 1972). Choice of target by adolescent within the family may be affected by the dynamics of the family. Adolescent disclosure seems to be affected by perceptions of worth as a family member (Sparks, 1976) and by the amount of parental affection received (Snoek and Rothblum, 1979). However, these relations are unclear because the disclosing behaviors of the parents are unknown. Parents who are perceived as supportive and affectionate may be parents who disclose more information about themselves and their feelings, thereby eliciting more disclosure from their adolescents.
CHARACTERISTICS OF ADOLESCENT DISCLOSURES
Age Although it has been assumed that as adolescents grow older, the amount of self-disclosure to their parents decreases, this conclusion is not clear from the data. Comparing subjects in the fourth, sixth, eighth, tenth, and twelfth grades, Rivenbark (1971) found that disclosure to peers increases with age. For boys, disclosure to parents drops dramatically around
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the tenth grade, but returns to the earlier level by the twelfth grade. Disclosure to parents for girls remains about the same throughout adolescence. However, when Sinha (1972) compared Indian females in early (12-14), mid- (15-16), and late (17-18) adolescence, she found that selfdisclosure varied with age. Median seif-disclosure scores were lower at midthan at early or late adolescence. She hypothesized that from early to mid-adolescence, girls become more self-conscious and inhibited, and may disclose less. As they reach late adolescence, they become more mature and disclose more. In comparing college and high school students, Snoek and Rothblum (1979) found that college students reported higher self-disclosure in general than high school students, but reported no differences in amount to parents and peers.
Sex
The relation between sex of the discloser and amount of disclosure has been studied rather extensively in adolescence, but the relation remains unclear. Some investigators have found that females disclose more than males (Dimond and Munz, 1967; Kraft and Vraa, 1975; Littlefield, 1974; Lord and Velicer, 1975; Snoek and Rothblum, 1979; Rivenbark, 1971; Wiebe and Scott, 1976; Yang and Hwang, 1980). Others have found no differences in amount of disclosure between male and female adolescents (Balswick and Balkwell, 1977; Dimond and Hellcamp, 1969; Ohlson, 1974; Sparks, 1976; Wiebe and Williams, 1972). In reporting sex differences, many researchers have summed across all ages and topics. Most research on sex differences correlated overall selfdisclosure and sex (Chelune, 1979), thereby masking important sex differences. A variety of subject and target characteristics may intervene in this relation, indicating that the relation may not be as simple as thought (Rosenfeld et al., 1979). For example, Davidson, et al. (1980) found that amount of disclosure differed by sex, with females revealing more general and personal information, while males revealed more information regarding their sexuality to parents. Similarly, Mulcahey (1973) and Sparks (1976) found that females disclosed more on personality factors, and males disclosed more on work (studies) and attitudes and opinions. West (1970) found that although female adolescents are more selective in target choice than are males, males pay more attention to the content than do females. Females tend to disclose more to female targets (mothers and peers) than males do. Mothers are the most preferred target for both sexes (Rivenbark, 1971; Yang and Hwang, 1980), but males will disclose more to fathers than females will.
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Why males and females differ in target and topics of disclosure is not clear. It has been suggested that females are socialized to disclose more (Jourard, 1971) and that males may avoid self-disclosure in order to maintain control in a relationship (Rosenfeld, 1979). When females avoid selfdisclosure, it is to avoid personal hurt and problems with their interpersonal relationships. In studies of the inexpressive male, Balswick and Peek (1971) indicated that males are taught different patterns of self-disclosure, namely, to be the "strong, silent type." For a complete understanding of selfdisclosure among adolescents, it will be necessary to study self-disclosure in the context of all of the major socialization influences (e.g., parents, peers, and schools).
Race
Levels of self-disclosure among White, Black, and Mexican-American adolescents were investigated by Littlefield (1974), who found that Whites disclosed more than Blacks, who disclosed more than Mexican-Americans. Although all males preferred their mother as the favorite target person, White and Mexican-American adolescent females preferred their best female friend; Black females preferred their mothers. In all cases, father was the least preferred target. Dimond and Hellcamp (1969) found that Whites disclosed more than Blacks, but at slightly older ages. Balswick and BalkweU (1977) found no variation in overall amount of self-disclosure by race, although Blacks, both males and females, disclosed more to mothers than did Whites.
Birth Order It has been suggested that first-borns, under conditions of anxiety, would exhibit more affiliative tendencies than later-borns (Shachter, 1959). In nonstress situations, however, later-borns can be expected to engage in affiliative behaviors. If it is true, as suggested by Jourard (1958), that affiliation requires breaking down barriers between people by disclosing personal information about oneself, later-borns should disclose more in nonstress situations. Comparing first- and later-born adolescents, Dimond and Munz (1967) found that later-born adolescents disclosed at a higher rate; these authors concluded that later-borns were more affiliative. Replicating the previous study, Dimond and Hellcamp (1969) again found that later-borns disclosed more than first-borns. However, Snoek and Roth-
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blum (1979) found no differences between later-borns and first-borns; rather, parental style was the factor most strongly associated with selfdisclosure.
Cognitive Development Because cognitive functioning o f the adolescent undergoes considerable change during adolescence, it is important to consider the implications of cognitive change on self-disclosure. According to the Piagetian model, the formal operations stage found in adolescence is embedded in that which is learned in prior stages (Inhelder and Piaget, 1958). Based on the understanding o f logic and relationships learned in previous stages, the formal operational person can extend this process to abstract constructs. The adolescent is capable of imagining the possibilities inherent in a situation, and can combine and deal with many facets of a situation at the same time. Moreover, adolescents can use symbols for symbols, developing a second symbol system, which enhances the thinking ability o f the adolescents by giving them much more flexibility. Adolescents can also deal with contraryto-fact situations, or the real and the unreal. Adolescents can imagine and portray that which is not real, including an ability to portray their perceptions o f themselves as real or unreal. Being "one's real self," Jourard (1958) observed, is essential to healthy personality. To be a real self implies that there is an unreal self, a fake self in which information may be disclosed which is not true and does not represent true feelings and thoughts. Self-disclosure, then, may be altered by the ability to misrepresent feelings and thoughts. If humans cannot present a fake self prior to the formal operations stage because they are unable to deal with contrary-to-fact situations, then two new abilities are evident at adolescencg: the ability to establish an identity by defining oneself as separate from one's environment (parents, peers, etc.) and the ability to pretend to be that which one is not. In terms of interaction in the family, these two new abilities will certainly have an impact. Elder (1963, 1968, 1971) has suggested that conflict between parents and adolescents is due, in part, to adolescents' awareness o f the difference between the possible and the real. With this ability, adolescents can respond to parental demands with a list of possible alternatives. Parents may or may not respond positively to this new quality of interaction with their child. Moreover, although the child can respond, there is no reason to expect that the child must respond. Another new ability, the generation o f abstract possibilities, may be a task in which the adolescent is engaging but not disclosing. The parent may be completely unaware of this
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process or of the changes within the adolescent's ability to reason. If the parent continues to respond based on past disclosure of the adolescent, and the adolescent has changed but not disclosed this to the parent, conflict may ensue. Reports of perceptions of conflict in parent-adolescent relationships have indicated an increase in conflict early in adolescence (Block, 1937; Lewis, 1971). Self-Concept
The construct self-concept has been the subject of much research and theorizing, particularly with adolescents as subjects (cf. Dusek and Flaherty, 1981; Gergen, 1971; Wylie, 1961 for a more complete review). Because of the physical and cognitive changes occurring during adolescence, it has been thought that self-concept undergoes a unique transition (Erikson, 1968) or that it cannot even be formed until this period (Okum and Sasfy, 1977). Most theorists believe that the formation of self-concept occurs within the family setting, beginning in childhood. One of the main processes by which self-concept is formed is through reflected appraisals, which are a type of self-disclosure (see Gergen, 1971, for an excellent discussion of the concept of reflected appraisals). Self-concepts, then, are derived in part from perceptions of evaluations of self by others. A second major process is social comparison, typically regarding a particular characteristic. The very young child's idea of "self" is based on the reflection of parents, and comparisons are often family based, whether parent or sibling referred (Gecas and Pasley, 1982). Reflected appraisals in families may take the form of self-disclosure, particularly when parents or siblings express attitudes and opinions about a person's functioning. Studying adolescents in grades 10-12, Sparks (1976) found that disclosure to family members depended on students' self-esteem and perceptions of worth as family members. Although this was not confirmed in interaction with peers (Wildman, 1973), several authors have theorized that disclosure to parents was greater when parents were perceived to be warm and caring (Snoek and Rothblum, 1979; Sparks, 1976). Parents who were perceived to be warm and caring to adolescents were considered more likely to have been more warm and caring during the child's early years of self-concept formation. As adolescents begin to move toward higher disclosure to peers, they typically choose same-sex peers, perhaps indicating that the reflected appraisal from peers has become more positive than the reflected appraisals from parents, and that social comparison with peers is more similar.
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Physical Development
At the age of 10, with an average rate of development, girls have already attained 84°7o and boys 78o7o of their adult height (Bayley, 1956). One of the clear signs of puberty is not the gain in height, but the rate of gain in height. As Figure 1 shows, females' growth spurt typically begins between 10 and 11, peaks at about age 12, and ends by age 14 (Marshall and Tanner, 1970). Menarche typically occurs approximately one year after peak rate of growth. As Figure 2 shows, males' increase in growth rate occurs approximately two years later, peaks at 14, and ends at 16 (Marshall and Tanner, 1969). At the end of this growth spurt, both males and females have reached 98o7o of their adult height (Khatchadourian, 1977). The importance of physical development to self-disclosure can be seen if patterns of rate of growth are compared with patterns of self-disclosure. G r ~ & h Spurt: Height (Rate of Growth)
J Ii0
105
J
~IO0 o
95
~ 9o u 85
g 8o ~ 75 7O 65 10
Ii
12
13
14
4
5
6
7
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Fig. 1. Females' growth rate and mean disclosure rate (Marshall and Tanner, 1970; Rivenbark, 1971).
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Studying adolescents in grades 4, 6, 8, 10, and 12, Rivenbark (1971) has provided data on the developmental trend of self-disclosure among adolescents to both parents and peers. Interestingly, the low point in the amount of disclosure to parents for boys occurred at the average peak rate of growth for boys (eighth grade) (see Figure 2). Although the drop for females in self-disclosure to parents was not as severe, a slight decrease occurred for females at the sixth grade, when girls are about 12 years of age, which is the average peak rate of growth for females (see Figure 1). Disclosure to parents, by adolescents decreased when the most obvious physiological c h a n g e - the growth s p u r t - occurred. This change in relationship may be due to the fact that the adolescent feels differently, or it may occur because the parent is beginning to perceive the adolescent differently.
Growth Spurt: Height irate of Graw~h)
/ ii0 105 i00 , ~"
Y
95. 90
o u
85
=
80
/
\
70 65
Age Grade
11
12
13
14
15
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17
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6
7
8
9
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II
Fig. 2. Males' growth rate and mean disclosure rate (Marshall and Tanner, 1970; Rivenbark, 1971).
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DISCLOSURE IN FAMILIES Disclosure in family interaction has been addressed primarily in terms of overall communication among family members. Because communication is necessary to maintain the structure of the family (Waterman, 1979), the critical self-disclosure in family interaction would be of thoughts and feelings relevant to maintaining the family as a functional unit. These patterns of interaction may vary from family to family, or within the family across time. Some information may be expressed only to certain family members and not to others without disrupting the balance (Waterman, 1979). Dysfunctional communication patterns may exist between some family members, while functional patterns exist with other members (Minuchin, 1974). Changes in an individual family member's development or ability may change communication patterns of other members (Steinberg, 1981; Steinberg and Hill, 1978). The nature and patterns of self-disclosure in families are not clear. The information regarding self-disclosure in families outside the marital relationship comes primarily from older adolescents and college-aged students (Waterman, 1979) and focuses on amount and targets of self-disclosure. As discussed, the literature on adolescents as disclosers can be summarized as follows: 1. Adolescents report that their mothers receive more disclosure from them than do fathers (Dalusio, 1972; Jourard, 1971; Komarovsky, 1974; Rivenbark, 1971). 2. Children disclose increasingly more to peers during adolescence (Jourard, 1971; Komarovsky, 1974; Rivenbark, 1971; West and Zingle, 1969). 3. There seem to be sex differences in both amount of disclosure and target of disclosure, although the specific effects are unclear (Jourard, 1971; Komarovsky, 1974). Regarding parental disclosure to adolescents, Dalusio (1972) found that parents reported more disclosure than their children perceived. Daughters were more accurate than sons in their perception of parental disclosure, and daughters received more than sons. Sons disclosed less and perceived that they received less disclosure than other family members, but they still disclosed more than they received. Mothers both disclosed more and received more disclosure than did fathers. An effect of family structure and birth order has been found in a study of adolescents whose parents were divorced. Although most research on self-disclosure in adolescence has been conducted on intact families, Ohlson
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(1974) compared self-disclosure among first- and later-born adolescents from divorced and nondivorced homes. Later-borns disclosed more in nondivorced homes, but first-horns disclosed more in divorced homes. There was more overall disclosure in the nondivorced homes, both to parents and to same- and opposite-sex friends. The self-disclosure patterns of parents and adolescents appear to be influenced by various factors in the home environment. Because of the necessity of self-disclosure in maintaining the family unit, and because disclosure patterns may change when children reach adolescence, the patterns which exist in families are an important focus in the study of self-disclosure.
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS The degree, topic, and rate of disclosure appear to be dependent upon the social environment. People disclose to those who disclose to them. They disclose more to those who are warm and accepting. Because the family is the primary socializing agent, people first learn to disclose in that setting. Keeping in mind the research reported here, it is possible to speculate about the effects that self-disclosure may have on family interaction and parent-adolescent interaction. Although degree of self-disclosure is likely to be greater if disclosure is reciprocated, young children may be socialized to disclose to their parents, whether or not the parents reciprocate the disclosure. As the children enter puberty, they may react to self-disclosure without reciprocity with caution and decrease disclosure to parents. Parents, unpracticed at disclosure to their children, may be unprepared to deal with this change in expectation. Future investigators may wish to examine changes in self-disclosure over time, measuring not only the disclosures of children but also parental disclosures. Topics of interest change during adolescence. Adolescents tend to think more about sex, careers, and friends. They can also, because of increased cognitive functioning, think about old topics differently and manipulate ideas in their minds. Adolescents may not disclose as much to parents because they are unsure if their thoughts and feelings are acceptable. Changes in topic of disclosure over time must be accompanied by an acceptance of the change by both parents and the adolescent. If parents are unwilling to listen to the adolescent's disclosure, the adolescent can be expected to turn to other targets for disclosure. If adolescents perceive their thoughts to be unacceptable to their parents, they may not attempt disclosure on the topics. The determination of acceptability of topic of disclosure is, in part, a matter of socialization. Familes teach what is acceptable to discuss and, specifically, what parents are willing to hear.
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Rate o f disclosure to parents drops as growth in height reaches its peak rate (Rivenbark, 1971). Perhaps, over time, there is an interaction o f the effects of rate and topic. For example, adolescents may question the acceptability o f topic more at the point where the effects o f physical char~ge are greatest, resulting in a drop in overall disclosure. However, as the adolescent ages, interests may again appear to be a c c e p t a b l e - p o s s i b l y because interests are appropriate for age or because interests have c h a n g e d - t h u s resulting in a rate of disclosure that is similar to prepuberty rate o f disclosure. Both topic and rate of disclosure must be studied simultaneously for this relation to be clarified. Additionally, the silent effects o f internal physical development have an impact on the external behaviors o f the adolescent and parents in ways not clearly understood. The potential effects must be considered when parent-adolescent interaction is studied. In conclusion, people learn by receiving messages from others. They modify their behavior as the impact of their behavior on others becomes apparent. This process o f socialization first occurs in the family setting. As the adolescent achieves more independence and is affected by changes in development, this process may change; it is, nevertheless, an important dimension o f the socialization process. If patterns of change in selfdisclosure are documented over the course o f adolescence, then a clearer understanding of the parent-adolescent relationship will he obtained.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT The author wishes to thank Lynda H. Waiters for her valuable comments on earlier drafts o f this article.
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