INT‘L. J. AGING AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT, V O l . 6 ( 2 ) , 1975
THE LIMITATIONS OF CRISIS THEORY AS AN EXPLANATORY MECHANISM IN SOCIAL GERONTOLOGY’
BILL D. BELL, PH.D. Research Coordinator Gerontology Program University of Nebraska at Omaha
ABSTRACT
This study examines five specific assumptions of crisis theory as this orientation relates to the prediction of life satisfaction following retirement. Pre-retirement and post-retirement interviews were conducted with a group of 114 men (mean age 68.2 years) residing in an urban area of central Missouri. The data reveal a significant decline in life satisfaction as predicted. Contrary to the theory, however, no significant changes in role behavior in three related areas-family, voluntary associations, and community-were found subsequent to retirement. In addition, the role changes accompanying retirement were not significantly associated with negative changes in satisfaction. Also, increases in role performance were not significantly related to positive changes in satisfaction. Finally, the correlation between work commitment and change in satisfaction proved negative and non significant. On the other hand, the correlation between work commitment and the desire for subsequent employment was negative and significant. In sum, four of the five assumptions of crisis theory do not receive support o n the basis of the data.
To date, three decades of gerontological research have not produced a general theory encompassing the social and psychological consequences of occupational retirement. Instead, a plethora of “quasi theories” have emerged which address selected aspects of the retirement picture [ I ] . One focal point of this research has been the morale, adjustment, and life satisfaction of the The study from which this analysis is drawn was supported in part by research funds provided by the Midwest Council for Social Research on Aging, a Division of the Institute for Community Studies in Kansas City, Missouri 64111. 153 @ 1975. Baywood Publishing Co.
doi: 10.2190/YG8A-W567-CTN6-DHQ5 http://baywood.com
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older adult. In this regard, perhaps the most prominent orientation has been that of crisis theory. Those adopting the crisis perspective tend to emphasize the importance of occupationally-related role behaviors. To this extent, most researchers share the opinions of Parsons [2], Burgess [3], Shock [4], Stokes and Maddox [ 5 ] , and Wolff [ 6 ] , that work is the most important avenue for integrating the individual into society. Goodstein, for example, argues that Man’s occupational role provides a convenient source of identification and enables the individual to place himself in a meaningful relationship with the world of work . . . work also provides an important outlet for social interactions and associations for meeting man’s social needs . . . work not only provides the workers with a purpose in life, but with a concrete plan for day-to-day living [ 7, p. 431. Much of the previous research, however, has assumed a more or less uniform attitude relative to work roles. Friedmann and Havighurst [8], Dubin [9], Shock [4], Weiss and Khan [ l o ] , and Gerstl [ l l ] , on the other hand, present evidence that work is not the central life interest of the older person and that the work place is not the locus of the most rewarding social experiences for workers. In the Friedmann and Havighurst study of steel workers, for instance, the authors observe that “workers at the lower skill and socio-econmic levels regard their work more frequently as merely a way to earn a living and, in general, recognize fewer extra-financial meanings in their work than do workers of higher skill” (quoted in 4, p. 16). Streib and Schneider’s exploration of the Cornell data yields similar findings [12]. The latter conclude white collar and professional workers to be more committed to their work and to derive more intrinsic satisfaction from it than do blue collar individuals. The cross-cultural work of Shanas et al. [13] tend to confirm class differentials in the meaning and value attached to occupational roles. In addition to emphasis upon the work role, crisis theory addresses the more fundamental question of a positional transition or context change. In this regard, retirement is viewed as more than a change in an aspect of social life. From this standpoint, retirement represents a new form of social life, distinct from previous patterns of old age. Unlike other positional changes through the life span-marked by transitions and gradations from one moreor-less clearly defined social role to another-the retired are held to lack not only socially-defined, appropriate behavior (Ginzburg [ 141 ; Tuckman and Lorge [ 151 ;Neugarten and Garron [ 161 ;Kogan [ 171 ; Zola [ 181 ;Rosow [ 191 ), but also a sharply delineated position in the social structure (Havighurst [20] ; Parsons [21] ; Tibbitts [22] ; Moore [23] ; Simpson et al. [24]). Writers such as Streib et al. [25] and Donahue et al. [26], for example, have argued the absence of institutionalized reference groups or clearly-defined role categories
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with which the elderly might identify. An accompaniment of this uncertain state of affairs has been the tendency of the retired adult t o depreciate both himself as well as his contributions to the social life about him (Cartwrght [27, 281 ; Block [29] ; Meltzer [30]). The implications of crisis theory for life satisfaction are apparent. It is clear that the crisis theorist views role behaviors from an equilibrium-oriented standpoint. It is also evident that while roles are acknowledged to command differential significance, the major integrative factor in one’s role set is his occupational involvement. As such, it is not simply the loss of work rolesper se which occasions the greatest disruption to the role set, but also, the threat of entering the ambiguous category of “the retired.” As a consequence of these combined factors, retirement is expected to exert a negative influence of life satisfaction (Havighurst and Albrecht [31] ; Kutner et al. [32]). The task of the present research is seen as two-fold. First of all, crisis theory will be tested utilizing a longitudinal sample of older persons. Of interest at this level of analysis is the theory’s major prediction regarding the effect of occupational retirement on the life satisfaction of older adults. Secondly, an attempt will be made to explore and test the four basic assumptions underlying the theory proper. It is this second level of investigation which is frequently lacking in similar studies. In this regard, it seems quite probable that factors other than those specified in the theory may influence the observed outcomes [33]. This point is particularly crucial when it is observed that most of the above-mentioned studies have been of a cross-sectional nature. The investigation to follow, however, represents a longitudinal assessment of the usefulness of crisis theory in “explaining” the relationship between retirement and life satisfaction.
The Sample The present data are drawn from a series of two interviews with a group of male respondents residing in an urban area of central Missouri. The initial interview was conducted in the spring of 1973 prior to the retirement of the persons in question. Individuals near retirement age were selected from lists supplied by (1) local labor organizations, (2) area churches (including the Salvation Army), (3) the local office o n aging, (4) an older American transportation service, (5) the Social Security Administration, ( 6 ) a recreational agency for older persons, and (7) numerous interested individuals in the study community. Information was obtained as to the employment status, residence, health, and marital status of each person. Accordingly, the sample consisted of 145 employed, white males living within the city limits of the study community. Each individual’s spouse resided with the respondent. In addition, each person was in relatively good health from the standpoint of physical mobility and
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owned or had access to numerous means of transportation. All interviews were conducted in the homes of the respondents. The following spring (1974), a second or post-retirement interview was conducted with the same individuals. As 15 respondents had not retired, 6 had moved t o another community, 5 chose not to be reinterviewed, 2 had lost a spouse during the year, and 3 had died, the final sample was made up of 114 retired males meeting all study criteria. The mean length of time since retirement was 5.6 months. The age range was from 53 to 72 years (the mean age was 68.2 years). Occupationally, the sample consisted of farmers, service workers, and laborers (29.7%); clerical, sales, operatives, and craftsmen (3 1.5%); and professional, technical, and managerial workers (38.8%).With respect to national comparison, Brotman [34] and Carp [ 11 suggest the present distribution to be overly representative of upper occupational levels. This suggestion is borne out by two related indicators-education and income. The mean educational level of the sample, for instance, was 11.9 years, a figure slightly above the national average for all age groups [35]. In addition, the median post-retirement income for the sample was $450 per month. This figure is more than $100 greater than that suggested by Streib and Schneider [ 121 . The following analysis, however, is limited only to the pre- and post-retirement information supplied by the remaining 1 14 respondents.
Major Variables ROLE SET
The role set was considered the total collection or set of “public” behaviors characteristic of an individual as he goes from one context t o another [36]. This definition implies an ever-broadening complex of behaviors with the addition of multiple settings. Although the role sets of certain persons may differ from those of others, in the present analysis, research attention was limited to those areas of behavior generally common to everyone. In this regard, the four “interactional complexes” of Orbach and Shaw [37] were pursued. For these individuals, the areas of occupation, family and kinship, voluntary associations, and community, encompass the behavior of all. As retirement would mean the obvious loss of occupational involvement for the present respondents, attention was focused upon the three latter areas of interaction. The roles (i.e., behaviors) characteristic of these areas were taken to comprise the role set of persons in the study. From an operational standpoint, family and kinship behavior involved all interaction between the respondent and those persons (with the exception of his spouse) related to him through blood or marital ties. This included visits,
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telephone calls, letters, or any other means of communication between the respondent and his kin. Voluntary association behavior, on the other hand, encompassed the individual’s involvement in such formal organizational structures as civic clubs, professional societies, fraternal organizations, and the church. Included here were activities both directly and indirectly related t o organizational goals. Finally, community behavior consisted of interaction with close friends and neighbors (defined as such by the respondent) as well as involvement in nonformal civic and political activities (e.g., canvassing for civic causes, political campaigning and voting, participation in community events, etc.). ROLE SET ORIENTATION
A role set orientation referred to the interactional manner in which an individual relates himself to the components of his role set. Such orientations involve expenditures of energy and are limited by contingencies of time and space. In the present research, these orientations were referenced b y a temporal dimension. That is, the amount of time spent in component areas of role behavior was taken as an indicator of one’s behavioral involvement in these settings. To this extent, it was possible to speak of a characteristic manner or “orientation” relative to each of the areas in question. For operational purposes, respondents were asked to indicate the amount of time spent visiting, telephoning, or otherwise communicating with their relatives before and after retirement. The unit of time selected was the number of hours per month spent in these activities. Individuals were instructed to consider only those kin with whom they would have contact on a monthly basis. In the area of voluntary associations, individuals were asked to state the number of hours per month spent in such groupings as civic clubs, professional societies, fraternal organizations, and the church. Finally, in the community instance, the number of hours per month spent in interaction with friends and neighbors as well as in nonformal civic and political activities were assessed. By comparing the indications of time spent before and after retirement in each of the component areas, changes in role set orientations were computed. Changes were expressed by the formula T2 - TI = -, 0,or +. T I and T2 were the indications of time spent in specific areas before and after retirement, respectively. A minus sign indicated a decrease in temporal involvement; a zero denoted no change in involvement; and a plus value represented an increase in the amount of time spent in a given area subsequent to retirement. RETlR EMENT
Retirement was considered a period of time characterized by the absence of occupationally-oriented behaviors. From an operational standpoint,
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individuals were classified as retired on the basis of two criteria. In the first instance, the person was no longer engaged in those activities that were once held to constitute his occupation or profession. To this extent, his present means of financial support were derived from pensions, investments, or other compensatory sources. Secondly, the individual subjectively defined himself as retired through an affirmative response to the question, “Do you consider yourself retired?” Those persons who failed to meet both criteria were excluded from the sample. LIFE SATISFACTION
Life satisfaction was regarded as the phenomenal experience of pleasure, with self and others, relative to past or present social circumstances. In essence, satisfaction represented a statement of personal morale with respect to time and place. In the present study, life satisfaction was assessed by means of a single item. Pre- and post-retirement satisfaction were measured by means of the following question: “On the whole, how satisfied would you say you are with your way of life today?” In responding, the individual ranked himself along a 5-point scale ranging from “1” (not satisfied at all) to “5” (very satisfied). Although the scale has face validity, many of the items suggested by Neugarten et al. [38] were positively correlated with the measure. Specifically, ratings of present happiness, absence of concern over health, and feelings of usefulness, correlated significantly-at the .OO 1 level-with ratings of satisfaction (r’s = t . 3 5 ; +68; and t . 3 3 , respectively). In the analysis to follow, scale values were utilized as “measures” of the pre- and post-retirement satisfaction of each individual. OCCUPATIONAL COMMITMENT
In conceptual terms, occupational commitment referred to the degree of value or worth attributed to occupational endeavors. Those persons strongly valuing the work role were considered to exhibit high occupational commitment. In the present research, commitment was measured by means of the following question: “With regard to your occupation, how important is your work to you?” In responding, the individual ranked himself along a 5-point scale ranging from “1” (not very important) to “5” (the most important thing in my life). Commitment was assessed on the basis of the pre-retirement interview. DESIRE FOR REEMPLOYMENT
The desire for subsequent employment involved the importance placed upon the resumption of work activity. To this extent, those persons indicating
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an active interest in returning to work were considered to exhibit a strong desire for reemployment. In the present study, this desire was measured by means of the question: “As someone who has recently retired, how do you presently feel about the matter of employment?” In responding the individual ranked himself along a 4-point scale ranging from “1” (I presently have no desire for any form of employment) to “4” (I am presently looking for a full-time job). Desire for reemployment was assessed on the basis of the post-retirement interview.
Research Hypotheses A number of testable hypotheses can be derived from the preceding comments. In the thinking of the crisis theorist, for example, work is a necessary and meaningful component in the social and psychological well-being of the older adult. As such, the removal of the individual from this sphere of influence should prove disruptive and personally dissatisfying. As a consequence, it is suggested that, a signficant decline in life satisfaction will accompany occupational retirement. In addition to social and psychological stability, work is also the key theoretical element in the stabilization of the role set. Retirement, therefore, should not only disrupt the satisfaction ratings of respondents, but should also affect, negatively, those behaviors characteristic of pre-retired persons. In other words, with retirement, a significant disruption should obtain in the various facets of behavior comprising the role set. Not only should significant changes be manifest in role set behavior following retirement, but this disruption should also be closely related to the matter of life satisfaction. It has heretofore been implied that patterns of role set behavior determine-to a major extent-the life satisfaction of the older adult. In addition, it has been suggested that retirement will directly influence these patterns of behavior. It follows, therefore, that alterations in the role set behaviors of retired persons should be directly related to negative changes in life satisfaction. Finally, two further assumptions of the crisis orientation relate directly to the differential importance of work activities. The theory suggests, for example, a greater reluctance to retire on the part of those persons strongly valuing their work role. In this sense, it is hypothesized that, the greater the preretirement commitment to the work role, the more negative the change expected in life satisfaction. In a related fashion, those persons with strong pre-retirement work commitments are assumed t o be doubly motivated to pursue the same or similar forms of work activity. In general, then, the crisis theorist argues that, the greater the pre-retirement commitment to the work
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role, the greater one’s desire to re-engage in work activity subsequent to retirement.
The Findings The major thrust of crisis theory suggests a decline in life satisfaction subsequent to retirement. To test this prediction, a matched t-test was employed between the pre- and post-retirement satisfaction scores of the 114 respondents. The results indicate a significant decline in life satisfaction as predicted by the theory (t = -3.06; p < .005). A related aspect of crisis theory, however, involves the effects of retirement on behavior. As suggested previously, the disruptive aspects of retirement should manifest themselvc3 in significantly altered role set behaviors. In testing this assumption, matched t-tests were performed between the pre- and post-retirement indications of time spent in the various role areas. The findings indicate no significant changes in orientation in either the family (t = +0.42; n.s.), voluntary association (t = - 1.48; n.s.), or community (t = - 1.42; n.s.) sectors. On the basis of these results, it would appear that retirement is not the disruptive behavioral event postulated by the theory. On the other hand, any upset to the delicate balance of role set involvement is viewed in negative terms by the crisis theorist. That is, the role set disruption occasioned by occupational retirement should be significantly associated with negative changes in life satisfaction. The relationship of role set disruption to change in life satisfaction can be seen in Table 1. In this instance, the correlation of role disruption (both of a positive and negative nature) with subsequent changes in life satisfaction is non significant and opposite to the direction predicted (r = +.03;p < .359). That is, the greater the role disruption relative to family behavior, the more positive the change evidenced in satisfaction. This finding remained consistent for the various categories of age, income, health, status, and retirement duration. Somewhat different results obtain in the case of associational orientations. As is evident from Table 1, the correlation of role disruption with subsequent changes in life satisfaction is in the predicted direction (r = -.06; p < .216). Table 1. The Relationship Between Role Set Disruption and Change in Life Satisfaction
Area of Role Behavior The Family Voluntary Associations The Community
r
+.03
- .06 - .20
N
%
114 114 114
100.0 100.0 100.0
Significance Level
.359 .2 16
.005
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Although weak and non significant in this instance, such a correlation does suggest a tendency for disruption in the voluntary association sector to be associated with negative changes in satisfaction. Such a tendency is consistent with the present hypothesis. In the community area, on the other hand, the correlation of role disruption with subsequent changes in life satisfaction is significant and in the predicted direction (r = -.20; p < .005). Such a correlation posits role disruption to be accompanied by negative changes in satisfaction. This suggestion is clearly compatible with the hypothesis. A logical alternative to the disruption hypothesis, however, would suggest a consideration of the specific type of role disruption relative to its effect on life satisfaction. That is, it would seem reasonable that behavior which exceeds one’s involvement in a given area (i-e., positive disruption) should evoke little anxiety for the individual concerned. On the other hand, reductions in behavior (i.e., negative disruptions) should be characterized by considerable negative affect. Under these circumstances, it would not be the degree of disruption which influences life satisfaction as much as the direction of that disruption. In essence, then, positive disruption should be associated with increases in life satisfaction, whereas negative disruption should bring about decreases in this variable. Table 2 illustrates the relationship between the type of role set disruption and changes in life satisfaction. In the area of family behavior, it can be seen that a non significant relationship obtains between these variables (r = - .05; p < .282). On the other hand, this association is opposite to the direction predicted. That is, the correlation is such as to suggest that for the present respondents, the more positive the disruption (i.e., the more time invested in the family subsequent to retirement), the more negative the change in satisfaction. This negative association remained relatively consistent for the various categories of age, income, health, status, and retirement duration. Table 2. The Relationship Between Type of Role Set Disruption and Change in Life Satisfaction ~~~~
Area of Role Behavior
The Family Voluntary Associations The Community
~~~~
~
r
N
%
Significance Level
- .05
114 114 114
100.0 100.0 1 00.0
.282 .054 .353
+.I 3 +.03
In the voluntary association area, the relationship between the type of role disruption and change in life satisfaction is significant and in the predicted direction (r = +.13; p < .054). Although the relationship is weak, it does
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suggest increased involvement in voluntary associations to be positively related to changes in satisfaction. With respect to the community area, the relationship between the type of role disruption and change in life satisfaction is in the predicted direction (r = +.03;p < .353). Nevertheless, the association is both weak and non significant. It seems evident that the type of disruption experienced in the present instance plays little role in the matter of life satisfaction change subsequent to retirement. The present hypothesis, therefore, is not substantiated on the basis of these findings. Finally, the remaining assumptions of crisis theory involve the differential importance of work activities. In the first instance, it is postulated that those persons strongly committed to their work will manifest greater negative change in satisfaction than those less intrinsically involved. In testing this assumption, a correlation was run between work commitment scores and change in life satisfaction. Although in the predicted direction, the correlation is both weak and non significant (r = -.02; p < .375). In general, this finding is not supportive of the present hypothesis. Secondly, with the importance of the work role and retirement in mind, the crisis theorist suggests stronger pre-retirement commitment to be positively related to the desire to re-engage in work activity. To test this assumption, a correlation was run between work commitment and the desire for subsequent employment. The correlation in this instance was significant but opposite to the direction predicted (r = -.19; p < .008). That is, the greater the preretirement commitment to work activity, the less the desire to return to work following retirement. This finding is clearly incompatible with the hypothesis under investigation.
Discussion In the present instance, a significant decline in life satisfaction followed occupational retirement. This finding obtained in spite of the fact that the respondents in question exhibited a mean retirement of 5.6 months. On the other hand, a closer investigation of the assumptions underlying crisis theory cast considerable doubt upon its usefulness as an explanatory mechanism. It was observed, for example, that no behavioral disruptions of any significance followed the retirement transition. That is, individuals continued to maintain relatively consistent patterns of involvement in family, voluntary association, and community areas. In a similar manner, patterns of role set disruption failed to demonstrate a clear relationship with respect to changes in life satisfaction. From the perspective of the present data, a positive relationship did obtain in the family area between role disruption and change in life satisfaction. On
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the other hand, subsequent analysis revealed the explanation for this finding to lie in the type of disruption as opposed to disruption per se. That is, the more positive the disruption relative to family behavior, the more negative the change evidenced in satisfaction. A number of factors might account for this finding. In the first place, Lipman [39] argues family interaction to be qualitatively different from that characterizing the work setting. To this extent, it is quite possible that one’s behavior with his co-workers involves “rewards” unobtainable within the family. Then, too, increases in such interaction may serve to magnify hostilities previously latent in the face of infrequent (preretirement) contacts. In addition, the retired individual’s diminished personal status [40] places him in a dependent as opposed to an independent relationship relative to family members. Combined with the prospect of declining association outside the family [41] , “forced7’ interaction here would logically result in lowered satisfaction. In the case of voluntary associations, a negative but non significant relationship was observed between disruption and change in satisfaction. In this instance, too, the type of disruption bears a relationship to satisfaction change. Chief among the factors operative here was social status. Younger, lower status persons, for instance, were seen to experience satisfaction diminution with associational participation. The reverse was true for high status respondents. In this regard, it is well to recall McKee’s [35] point that the reasons for associational participation differ among individuals and often within status categories. In addition, the makeup of voluntary associations differ significantly among status groupings [42]. It seems a safe assumption, then, that the value to the individual of such settings varies accordingly. For some, interaction involves a valued aspect of life and experience. For others, the organization functions primarily to occupy one’s time. In the latter instance, these voluntary groupings may represent the only available source of meaningful social interaction. In the community area, a negative and significant relationship obtained between role disruption and change in life satisfaction. Here again, however, the type of disruption was related to satisfaction change. In way of explanation, it should be pointed out that “community interaction” primarily involved friends and neighbors. 61.2 per cent of the respondents, for instance, interacted only with friends and neighbors prior to retirement. Following retirement, 66.1 per cent confined their community behavior to these persons. Considering these facts, it is possible to conceive of the community sector as a “hybrid” of the previous two. The person’s position in relation to his friends and neighbors, for example, is akin to that of his family. Similarly, many informal facets of community interaction parallel those of associational settings. Hence, to the extent that one’s status with friends and neighbors reflects the loss of occupational roles, a negative correlation similar to that
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evidenced in the family would be expected. On the other hand, since informal community activities are often associated with valued formal organizational settings [ I ] , a positive correlation would obtain relative to satisfaction change. Consequently, this dual community focus might account for the rather weak correlation observed. Finally, work commitment was not found to be critical in satisfaction change following retirement. In addition, those persons who exhibited strong commitments actually desired reengagement less than those with low commitment. Both of these observations run counter to crisis theory. It seems likely that the institutionalized character of retirement [ 121 and the anticipatory nature of this event [43] prepare the person for this transition in advance. Accordingly, the individual “reinvests” his emotional capital in factors unrelated to occupational endeavors. As a consequence, while satisfaction may decline to some extent with retirement, this diminution is not directly related to job commitment. Similarly, the absence of the desire to re-engage in active employment would further argue the fact that value priorities have changed. Hence, if “loss” is an element in negative satisfaction change, the work role does not appear to be the major determinative factor.
Limitations and Research Suggestions Perhaps the most obvious limitation to this research is found in the crisis framework itself. This formulation is somewhat deterministic in its suggestion that social and psychological disruption always arise with the relinquishment of occupational employment. In the present instance, little psychological or behavioral disruption followed the retirement transition. Instead, while satisfaction was seen to decline, patterns of pre-retirement behavior continued with relative consistency into retirement. Of the behavioral changes manifest with retirement, however, evidence has been produced which indicates the type of disruption to be a more critical explanatory factor in satisfaction change than role disruption per se. The fact that positive disruptions are both possible and (in the case of the family) negatively related to satisfaction change, argues strongly the case for the theory’s inadequacy as an explanatory mechanism. Another weakness of the present orientation is its failure to consider the time element. As was pointed out, the second series of interviews were conducted an average of 5.6 months after the retirement of these respondents. A third series of interviews might have produced still different findings. Unfortunately, the crisis framework provides no indication as to the amount of time involved in restoring role set equilibrium or the effect of this newlyestablished equilibrium on diminished satisfaction. Not considered, for example, is the fact that different persons can tolerate different degrees of role disruption. Nor is it recognized that individuals live with numerous I
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behavioral inconsistencies throughout the major portion of their lives [44] . Then, too, one must consider the possibility that many of the persons in the present study fail to recognize behavioral disruptions as significant or meaningful. Hence, these disruptions are not productive of satisfaction diminution. In a similar fashion, it must be recalled that the phenomenon of retirement is not new to western culture. Streib and Schneider [I21 and Carp [ I ] , for example, regard it as an institution in its own right. As such, it is important to consider the possibility of anticipatory socialization [43]. If this process is indeed operative, it would seem reasonable to suggest that persons facing retirement might reorganize their behaviors in anticipation of the postretirement scene. This would, of course, result in little or no role disruption with respect to the actual termination of employment. In essence, then, role set disruption may be an irrelevant issue for the greater proportion of retiring males. It seems clear, then, that subsequent research must address the issues of “crisis,” role set equilibrium, and life satisfaction within the context of the “real world.” These investigations must consider the periods both before and subsequent to the termination of employment. In addition, care should be given to the various modes of role set equilibration if, indeed, this variable is felt to be functioning in the process. In this regard, some method of participant or corroborative observation should be coupled with the formal interview approach. Finally, the researcher will do well to refine his instruments in such a way as to make possible the employment of parametric statistical techniques.
Summary The present paper examined five specific assumptions of crisis theory as this orientation relates to the prediction of life satisfaction following occupational retirement. Two interviews were conducted with a group of 114 male respondents (mean age 68.2 years) residing in an urban area of central Missouri. The initial interview was undertaken in the spring of 1973 prior to the retirement of these persons. The following spring (1974), a post-retirement interview was conducted with the same individuals. The mean length of time since retirement was 5.6 months. The data reveal a significant decline in life satisfaction as predicted. Contrary to the theory, however, no significant changes in role behavior in three related areas-family, voluntary associations, and community-were found subsequent to retirement. In addition, the role changes accompanying retirement were not significantly associated with negative changes in satisfaction. Also, increases in role performance were not significantly related to positive changes in satisfaction. Finally, the correlation
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between work commitment and change in satisfaction proved negative and nonsignificant. On the other hand, the correlation between work commitment and the desire for subsequent employment was negative and significant. In sum, four of the five assumptions of crisis theory did not receive support on the basis of the data. REFERENCES
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19. Rosow, I. Socialization t o old age. Paper prepared for a Conference on Adult Socialization and Retirement. Sponsored by the National Institute o f Chiid Health and Human Development, San Francisco, Calif., February 29-March 2, 1968. 20. Havighurst, R. J. Social and psychological needs of the aging, Annals o f the American Academy of Politicaland SocialSciences, 279:ll-17, 1952. 21. Parsons, T. Age and sex in the social structure of the United States, pp. 89-103 in Parsons, T. Essays in sociological theory, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1954. 22. Tibbitts, C. Retirement problems in American society, American Journal o f So ciology, 5 9 :3 0 1-308, 19 54. 23. Moore, W. The aged in industrial societies, Chapter 2 in Industrial relations in the social order, Moore, W. (Ed.), New York: Macmillan Company, 1951. 24. Simpson, I., and McKinney, J. Social aspects o f aging, Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1966. 25. Streib, G. F., Thompson, W. E., and Suchman, E. A. The Cornell study of occupational retirement, Journal o f Social Issues, 2:3-17, 1958. 26. Donahue, W., Orbach, H. L., and Pollak, 0. Retirement: the emerging social pattern, pp. 330-406 in Tibbitts, C. (Ed.), Handbook of social gerontology, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. 27. Cartwright, R. Effects of psychotherapy on self consistency, Journal of Counseling Psychology, 4: 15-22, 1957. 28. Cartwright, R. The effects of psychotherapy on self consistency: a replication and extension, Journal o f Consultant Psychology, 25:37629. Block, J. Ego identity, role variability and adjustment, Journal o f Consultant Psychology, 25:392-397, 1961. 30. Meltzer, M. L. Role variability as a function o f understanding others, Washington, D. C.: Catholic University-American Press, 1957. 31. Havighurst, R. J., and Albrecht, R. Older people, New York: Longmans, Green, 1953. 32. Kutner, B., Fanshel, D., Togo, A., and Langner, T. Five hundred over sixty, New York: The Russel Sage Foundation, 1956. 33. Phillips, B. S. Social research: strategy and tactics, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1973. 34. Brotman, H. A profile of the older American. Address read before the Conference on Consumer Problems o f Older People, New York: Administration on Aging, No. 208, 1968. 35. McKee, J. B. Introduction to sociology, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1969. 36. Biddle, B. J., and Thomas, E. J. Role theory, New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966. 37. Orbach, H. L., and Shaw, D. M. Social participation and the role of the aging, Geriatrics, 12:241-246, 1957. 38. Neugarten, B. L., Havighurst, R. J., and Tobin, S. S. The measurement of life satisfaction, Journal o f Gerontology, 16 : 134-143, 196 1.
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39. Lipman, A. Role conceptions and morale of couples in retirement, Journal of Gerontology, 16:267-271, 1961. 40. Reiss, A. J. Occupations and social status, New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1 96 1. 41. Srole, L. Social integration and certain corollaries, American Sociological Review, 21:709-716, 1956. 42. Rose, A. M. The impact of aging on voluntary associations. In Tibbitts, C. (Ed.), Handbook of social gerontology, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. 43. Merton, R. K. Social theory and social structure, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957. 44. Aronson, E. Dissonance theory: progress and problems. In Abelson, R. P., Aronson, E., McGuire, W. J., Newcomb, T. M., Rosenberg, M. J., and Tannenbaum, P. H. (Eds.), Sourcebook of cognitive consistency, New York: Rand-McNally, 1968. Address reprint requests to: Bill D. Bell, Ph.D. Gerontology Program P.O. Box 688 University of Nebraska at Omaha Omaha, Nebraska, 68101
THE LIMITATIONS OF CRISIS THEORY AS AN EXPLANATORY MECHANISM IN SOCIAL GERONTOLOGY’
BILL D. BELL, PH.D. Research Coordinator Gerontology Program University of Nebraska at Omaha
ABSTRACT
This study examines five specific assumptions of crisis theory as this orientation relates to the prediction of life satisfaction following retirement. Pre-retirement and post-retirement interviews were conducted with a group of 114 men (mean age 68.2 years) residing in an urban area of central Missouri. The data reveal a significant decline in life satisfaction as predicted. Contrary to the theory, however, no significant changes in role behavior in three related areas-family, voluntary associations, and community-were found subsequent to retirement. In addition, the role changes accompanying retirement were not significantly associated with negative changes in satisfaction. Also, increases in role performance were not significantly related to positive changes in satisfaction. Finally, the correlation between work commitment and change in satisfaction proved negative and non significant. On the other hand, the correlation between work commitment and the desire for subsequent employment was negative and significant. In sum, four of the five assumptions of crisis theory do not receive support o n the basis of the data.
To date, three decades of gerontological research have not produced a general theory encompassing the social and psychological consequences of occupational retirement. Instead, a plethora of “quasi theories” have emerged which address selected aspects of the retirement picture [ I ] . One focal point of this research has been the morale, adjustment, and life satisfaction of the The study from which this analysis is drawn was supported in part by research funds provided by the Midwest Council for Social Research on Aging, a Division of the Institute for Community Studies in Kansas City, Missouri 64111. 153 @ 1975. Baywood Publishing Co.
doi: 10.2190/YG8A-W567-CTN6-DHQ5 http://baywood.com
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older adult. In this regard, perhaps the most prominent orientation has been that of crisis theory. Those adopting the crisis perspective tend to emphasize the importance of occupationally-related role behaviors. To this extent, most researchers share the opinions of Parsons [2], Burgess [3], Shock [4], Stokes and Maddox [ 5 ] , and Wolff [ 6 ] , that work is the most important avenue for integrating the individual into society. Goodstein, for example, argues that Man’s occupational role provides a convenient source of identification and enables the individual to place himself in a meaningful relationship with the world of work . . . work also provides an important outlet for social interactions and associations for meeting man’s social needs . . . work not only provides the workers with a purpose in life, but with a concrete plan for day-to-day living [ 7, p. 431. Much of the previous research, however, has assumed a more or less uniform attitude relative to work roles. Friedmann and Havighurst [8], Dubin [9], Shock [4], Weiss and Khan [ l o ] , and Gerstl [ l l ] , on the other hand, present evidence that work is not the central life interest of the older person and that the work place is not the locus of the most rewarding social experiences for workers. In the Friedmann and Havighurst study of steel workers, for instance, the authors observe that “workers at the lower skill and socio-econmic levels regard their work more frequently as merely a way to earn a living and, in general, recognize fewer extra-financial meanings in their work than do workers of higher skill” (quoted in 4, p. 16). Streib and Schneider’s exploration of the Cornell data yields similar findings [12]. The latter conclude white collar and professional workers to be more committed to their work and to derive more intrinsic satisfaction from it than do blue collar individuals. The cross-cultural work of Shanas et al. [13] tend to confirm class differentials in the meaning and value attached to occupational roles. In addition to emphasis upon the work role, crisis theory addresses the more fundamental question of a positional transition or context change. In this regard, retirement is viewed as more than a change in an aspect of social life. From this standpoint, retirement represents a new form of social life, distinct from previous patterns of old age. Unlike other positional changes through the life span-marked by transitions and gradations from one moreor-less clearly defined social role to another-the retired are held to lack not only socially-defined, appropriate behavior (Ginzburg [ 141 ; Tuckman and Lorge [ 151 ;Neugarten and Garron [ 161 ;Kogan [ 171 ; Zola [ 181 ;Rosow [ 191 ), but also a sharply delineated position in the social structure (Havighurst [20] ; Parsons [21] ; Tibbitts [22] ; Moore [23] ; Simpson et al. [24]). Writers such as Streib et al. [25] and Donahue et al. [26], for example, have argued the absence of institutionalized reference groups or clearly-defined role categories
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with which the elderly might identify. An accompaniment of this uncertain state of affairs has been the tendency of the retired adult t o depreciate both himself as well as his contributions to the social life about him (Cartwrght [27, 281 ; Block [29] ; Meltzer [30]). The implications of crisis theory for life satisfaction are apparent. It is clear that the crisis theorist views role behaviors from an equilibrium-oriented standpoint. It is also evident that while roles are acknowledged to command differential significance, the major integrative factor in one’s role set is his occupational involvement. As such, it is not simply the loss of work rolesper se which occasions the greatest disruption to the role set, but also, the threat of entering the ambiguous category of “the retired.” As a consequence of these combined factors, retirement is expected to exert a negative influence of life satisfaction (Havighurst and Albrecht [31] ; Kutner et al. [32]). The task of the present research is seen as two-fold. First of all, crisis theory will be tested utilizing a longitudinal sample of older persons. Of interest at this level of analysis is the theory’s major prediction regarding the effect of occupational retirement on the life satisfaction of older adults. Secondly, an attempt will be made to explore and test the four basic assumptions underlying the theory proper. It is this second level of investigation which is frequently lacking in similar studies. In this regard, it seems quite probable that factors other than those specified in the theory may influence the observed outcomes [33]. This point is particularly crucial when it is observed that most of the above-mentioned studies have been of a cross-sectional nature. The investigation to follow, however, represents a longitudinal assessment of the usefulness of crisis theory in “explaining” the relationship between retirement and life satisfaction.
The Sample The present data are drawn from a series of two interviews with a group of male respondents residing in an urban area of central Missouri. The initial interview was conducted in the spring of 1973 prior to the retirement of the persons in question. Individuals near retirement age were selected from lists supplied by (1) local labor organizations, (2) area churches (including the Salvation Army), (3) the local office o n aging, (4) an older American transportation service, (5) the Social Security Administration, ( 6 ) a recreational agency for older persons, and (7) numerous interested individuals in the study community. Information was obtained as to the employment status, residence, health, and marital status of each person. Accordingly, the sample consisted of 145 employed, white males living within the city limits of the study community. Each individual’s spouse resided with the respondent. In addition, each person was in relatively good health from the standpoint of physical mobility and
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owned or had access to numerous means of transportation. All interviews were conducted in the homes of the respondents. The following spring (1974), a second or post-retirement interview was conducted with the same individuals. As 15 respondents had not retired, 6 had moved t o another community, 5 chose not to be reinterviewed, 2 had lost a spouse during the year, and 3 had died, the final sample was made up of 114 retired males meeting all study criteria. The mean length of time since retirement was 5.6 months. The age range was from 53 to 72 years (the mean age was 68.2 years). Occupationally, the sample consisted of farmers, service workers, and laborers (29.7%); clerical, sales, operatives, and craftsmen (3 1.5%); and professional, technical, and managerial workers (38.8%).With respect to national comparison, Brotman [34] and Carp [ 11 suggest the present distribution to be overly representative of upper occupational levels. This suggestion is borne out by two related indicators-education and income. The mean educational level of the sample, for instance, was 11.9 years, a figure slightly above the national average for all age groups [35]. In addition, the median post-retirement income for the sample was $450 per month. This figure is more than $100 greater than that suggested by Streib and Schneider [ 121 . The following analysis, however, is limited only to the pre- and post-retirement information supplied by the remaining 1 14 respondents.
Major Variables ROLE SET
The role set was considered the total collection or set of “public” behaviors characteristic of an individual as he goes from one context t o another [36]. This definition implies an ever-broadening complex of behaviors with the addition of multiple settings. Although the role sets of certain persons may differ from those of others, in the present analysis, research attention was limited to those areas of behavior generally common to everyone. In this regard, the four “interactional complexes” of Orbach and Shaw [37] were pursued. For these individuals, the areas of occupation, family and kinship, voluntary associations, and community, encompass the behavior of all. As retirement would mean the obvious loss of occupational involvement for the present respondents, attention was focused upon the three latter areas of interaction. The roles (i.e., behaviors) characteristic of these areas were taken to comprise the role set of persons in the study. From an operational standpoint, family and kinship behavior involved all interaction between the respondent and those persons (with the exception of his spouse) related to him through blood or marital ties. This included visits,
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telephone calls, letters, or any other means of communication between the respondent and his kin. Voluntary association behavior, on the other hand, encompassed the individual’s involvement in such formal organizational structures as civic clubs, professional societies, fraternal organizations, and the church. Included here were activities both directly and indirectly related t o organizational goals. Finally, community behavior consisted of interaction with close friends and neighbors (defined as such by the respondent) as well as involvement in nonformal civic and political activities (e.g., canvassing for civic causes, political campaigning and voting, participation in community events, etc.). ROLE SET ORIENTATION
A role set orientation referred to the interactional manner in which an individual relates himself to the components of his role set. Such orientations involve expenditures of energy and are limited by contingencies of time and space. In the present research, these orientations were referenced b y a temporal dimension. That is, the amount of time spent in component areas of role behavior was taken as an indicator of one’s behavioral involvement in these settings. To this extent, it was possible to speak of a characteristic manner or “orientation” relative to each of the areas in question. For operational purposes, respondents were asked to indicate the amount of time spent visiting, telephoning, or otherwise communicating with their relatives before and after retirement. The unit of time selected was the number of hours per month spent in these activities. Individuals were instructed to consider only those kin with whom they would have contact on a monthly basis. In the area of voluntary associations, individuals were asked to state the number of hours per month spent in such groupings as civic clubs, professional societies, fraternal organizations, and the church. Finally, in the community instance, the number of hours per month spent in interaction with friends and neighbors as well as in nonformal civic and political activities were assessed. By comparing the indications of time spent before and after retirement in each of the component areas, changes in role set orientations were computed. Changes were expressed by the formula T2 - TI = -, 0,or +. T I and T2 were the indications of time spent in specific areas before and after retirement, respectively. A minus sign indicated a decrease in temporal involvement; a zero denoted no change in involvement; and a plus value represented an increase in the amount of time spent in a given area subsequent to retirement. RETlR EMENT
Retirement was considered a period of time characterized by the absence of occupationally-oriented behaviors. From an operational standpoint,
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individuals were classified as retired on the basis of two criteria. In the first instance, the person was no longer engaged in those activities that were once held to constitute his occupation or profession. To this extent, his present means of financial support were derived from pensions, investments, or other compensatory sources. Secondly, the individual subjectively defined himself as retired through an affirmative response to the question, “Do you consider yourself retired?” Those persons who failed to meet both criteria were excluded from the sample. LIFE SATISFACTION
Life satisfaction was regarded as the phenomenal experience of pleasure, with self and others, relative to past or present social circumstances. In essence, satisfaction represented a statement of personal morale with respect to time and place. In the present study, life satisfaction was assessed by means of a single item. Pre- and post-retirement satisfaction were measured by means of the following question: “On the whole, how satisfied would you say you are with your way of life today?” In responding, the individual ranked himself along a 5-point scale ranging from “1” (not satisfied at all) to “5” (very satisfied). Although the scale has face validity, many of the items suggested by Neugarten et al. [38] were positively correlated with the measure. Specifically, ratings of present happiness, absence of concern over health, and feelings of usefulness, correlated significantly-at the .OO 1 level-with ratings of satisfaction (r’s = t . 3 5 ; +68; and t . 3 3 , respectively). In the analysis to follow, scale values were utilized as “measures” of the pre- and post-retirement satisfaction of each individual. OCCUPATIONAL COMMITMENT
In conceptual terms, occupational commitment referred to the degree of value or worth attributed to occupational endeavors. Those persons strongly valuing the work role were considered to exhibit high occupational commitment. In the present research, commitment was measured by means of the following question: “With regard to your occupation, how important is your work to you?” In responding, the individual ranked himself along a 5-point scale ranging from “1” (not very important) to “5” (the most important thing in my life). Commitment was assessed on the basis of the pre-retirement interview. DESIRE FOR REEMPLOYMENT
The desire for subsequent employment involved the importance placed upon the resumption of work activity. To this extent, those persons indicating
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an active interest in returning to work were considered to exhibit a strong desire for reemployment. In the present study, this desire was measured by means of the question: “As someone who has recently retired, how do you presently feel about the matter of employment?” In responding the individual ranked himself along a 4-point scale ranging from “1” (I presently have no desire for any form of employment) to “4” (I am presently looking for a full-time job). Desire for reemployment was assessed on the basis of the post-retirement interview.
Research Hypotheses A number of testable hypotheses can be derived from the preceding comments. In the thinking of the crisis theorist, for example, work is a necessary and meaningful component in the social and psychological well-being of the older adult. As such, the removal of the individual from this sphere of influence should prove disruptive and personally dissatisfying. As a consequence, it is suggested that, a signficant decline in life satisfaction will accompany occupational retirement. In addition to social and psychological stability, work is also the key theoretical element in the stabilization of the role set. Retirement, therefore, should not only disrupt the satisfaction ratings of respondents, but should also affect, negatively, those behaviors characteristic of pre-retired persons. In other words, with retirement, a significant disruption should obtain in the various facets of behavior comprising the role set. Not only should significant changes be manifest in role set behavior following retirement, but this disruption should also be closely related to the matter of life satisfaction. It has heretofore been implied that patterns of role set behavior determine-to a major extent-the life satisfaction of the older adult. In addition, it has been suggested that retirement will directly influence these patterns of behavior. It follows, therefore, that alterations in the role set behaviors of retired persons should be directly related to negative changes in life satisfaction. Finally, two further assumptions of the crisis orientation relate directly to the differential importance of work activities. The theory suggests, for example, a greater reluctance to retire on the part of those persons strongly valuing their work role. In this sense, it is hypothesized that, the greater the preretirement commitment to the work role, the more negative the change expected in life satisfaction. In a related fashion, those persons with strong pre-retirement work commitments are assumed t o be doubly motivated to pursue the same or similar forms of work activity. In general, then, the crisis theorist argues that, the greater the pre-retirement commitment to the work
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role, the greater one’s desire to re-engage in work activity subsequent to retirement.
The Findings The major thrust of crisis theory suggests a decline in life satisfaction subsequent to retirement. To test this prediction, a matched t-test was employed between the pre- and post-retirement satisfaction scores of the 114 respondents. The results indicate a significant decline in life satisfaction as predicted by the theory (t = -3.06; p < .005). A related aspect of crisis theory, however, involves the effects of retirement on behavior. As suggested previously, the disruptive aspects of retirement should manifest themselvc3 in significantly altered role set behaviors. In testing this assumption, matched t-tests were performed between the pre- and post-retirement indications of time spent in the various role areas. The findings indicate no significant changes in orientation in either the family (t = +0.42; n.s.), voluntary association (t = - 1.48; n.s.), or community (t = - 1.42; n.s.) sectors. On the basis of these results, it would appear that retirement is not the disruptive behavioral event postulated by the theory. On the other hand, any upset to the delicate balance of role set involvement is viewed in negative terms by the crisis theorist. That is, the role set disruption occasioned by occupational retirement should be significantly associated with negative changes in life satisfaction. The relationship of role set disruption to change in life satisfaction can be seen in Table 1. In this instance, the correlation of role disruption (both of a positive and negative nature) with subsequent changes in life satisfaction is non significant and opposite to the direction predicted (r = +.03;p < .359). That is, the greater the role disruption relative to family behavior, the more positive the change evidenced in satisfaction. This finding remained consistent for the various categories of age, income, health, status, and retirement duration. Somewhat different results obtain in the case of associational orientations. As is evident from Table 1, the correlation of role disruption with subsequent changes in life satisfaction is in the predicted direction (r = -.06; p < .216). Table 1. The Relationship Between Role Set Disruption and Change in Life Satisfaction
Area of Role Behavior The Family Voluntary Associations The Community
r
+.03
- .06 - .20
N
%
114 114 114
100.0 100.0 100.0
Significance Level
.359 .2 16
.005
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Although weak and non significant in this instance, such a correlation does suggest a tendency for disruption in the voluntary association sector to be associated with negative changes in satisfaction. Such a tendency is consistent with the present hypothesis. In the community area, on the other hand, the correlation of role disruption with subsequent changes in life satisfaction is significant and in the predicted direction (r = -.20; p < .005). Such a correlation posits role disruption to be accompanied by negative changes in satisfaction. This suggestion is clearly compatible with the hypothesis. A logical alternative to the disruption hypothesis, however, would suggest a consideration of the specific type of role disruption relative to its effect on life satisfaction. That is, it would seem reasonable that behavior which exceeds one’s involvement in a given area (i-e., positive disruption) should evoke little anxiety for the individual concerned. On the other hand, reductions in behavior (i.e., negative disruptions) should be characterized by considerable negative affect. Under these circumstances, it would not be the degree of disruption which influences life satisfaction as much as the direction of that disruption. In essence, then, positive disruption should be associated with increases in life satisfaction, whereas negative disruption should bring about decreases in this variable. Table 2 illustrates the relationship between the type of role set disruption and changes in life satisfaction. In the area of family behavior, it can be seen that a non significant relationship obtains between these variables (r = - .05; p < .282). On the other hand, this association is opposite to the direction predicted. That is, the correlation is such as to suggest that for the present respondents, the more positive the disruption (i.e., the more time invested in the family subsequent to retirement), the more negative the change in satisfaction. This negative association remained relatively consistent for the various categories of age, income, health, status, and retirement duration. Table 2. The Relationship Between Type of Role Set Disruption and Change in Life Satisfaction ~~~~
Area of Role Behavior
The Family Voluntary Associations The Community
~~~~
~
r
N
%
Significance Level
- .05
114 114 114
100.0 100.0 1 00.0
.282 .054 .353
+.I 3 +.03
In the voluntary association area, the relationship between the type of role disruption and change in life satisfaction is significant and in the predicted direction (r = +.13; p < .054). Although the relationship is weak, it does
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suggest increased involvement in voluntary associations to be positively related to changes in satisfaction. With respect to the community area, the relationship between the type of role disruption and change in life satisfaction is in the predicted direction (r = +.03;p < .353). Nevertheless, the association is both weak and non significant. It seems evident that the type of disruption experienced in the present instance plays little role in the matter of life satisfaction change subsequent to retirement. The present hypothesis, therefore, is not substantiated on the basis of these findings. Finally, the remaining assumptions of crisis theory involve the differential importance of work activities. In the first instance, it is postulated that those persons strongly committed to their work will manifest greater negative change in satisfaction than those less intrinsically involved. In testing this assumption, a correlation was run between work commitment scores and change in life satisfaction. Although in the predicted direction, the correlation is both weak and non significant (r = -.02; p < .375). In general, this finding is not supportive of the present hypothesis. Secondly, with the importance of the work role and retirement in mind, the crisis theorist suggests stronger pre-retirement commitment to be positively related to the desire to re-engage in work activity. To test this assumption, a correlation was run between work commitment and the desire for subsequent employment. The correlation in this instance was significant but opposite to the direction predicted (r = -.19; p < .008). That is, the greater the preretirement commitment to work activity, the less the desire to return to work following retirement. This finding is clearly incompatible with the hypothesis under investigation.
Discussion In the present instance, a significant decline in life satisfaction followed occupational retirement. This finding obtained in spite of the fact that the respondents in question exhibited a mean retirement of 5.6 months. On the other hand, a closer investigation of the assumptions underlying crisis theory cast considerable doubt upon its usefulness as an explanatory mechanism. It was observed, for example, that no behavioral disruptions of any significance followed the retirement transition. That is, individuals continued to maintain relatively consistent patterns of involvement in family, voluntary association, and community areas. In a similar manner, patterns of role set disruption failed to demonstrate a clear relationship with respect to changes in life satisfaction. From the perspective of the present data, a positive relationship did obtain in the family area between role disruption and change in life satisfaction. On
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the other hand, subsequent analysis revealed the explanation for this finding to lie in the type of disruption as opposed to disruption per se. That is, the more positive the disruption relative to family behavior, the more negative the change evidenced in satisfaction. A number of factors might account for this finding. In the first place, Lipman [39] argues family interaction to be qualitatively different from that characterizing the work setting. To this extent, it is quite possible that one’s behavior with his co-workers involves “rewards” unobtainable within the family. Then, too, increases in such interaction may serve to magnify hostilities previously latent in the face of infrequent (preretirement) contacts. In addition, the retired individual’s diminished personal status [40] places him in a dependent as opposed to an independent relationship relative to family members. Combined with the prospect of declining association outside the family [41] , “forced7’ interaction here would logically result in lowered satisfaction. In the case of voluntary associations, a negative but non significant relationship was observed between disruption and change in satisfaction. In this instance, too, the type of disruption bears a relationship to satisfaction change. Chief among the factors operative here was social status. Younger, lower status persons, for instance, were seen to experience satisfaction diminution with associational participation. The reverse was true for high status respondents. In this regard, it is well to recall McKee’s [35] point that the reasons for associational participation differ among individuals and often within status categories. In addition, the makeup of voluntary associations differ significantly among status groupings [42]. It seems a safe assumption, then, that the value to the individual of such settings varies accordingly. For some, interaction involves a valued aspect of life and experience. For others, the organization functions primarily to occupy one’s time. In the latter instance, these voluntary groupings may represent the only available source of meaningful social interaction. In the community area, a negative and significant relationship obtained between role disruption and change in life satisfaction. Here again, however, the type of disruption was related to satisfaction change. In way of explanation, it should be pointed out that “community interaction” primarily involved friends and neighbors. 61.2 per cent of the respondents, for instance, interacted only with friends and neighbors prior to retirement. Following retirement, 66.1 per cent confined their community behavior to these persons. Considering these facts, it is possible to conceive of the community sector as a “hybrid” of the previous two. The person’s position in relation to his friends and neighbors, for example, is akin to that of his family. Similarly, many informal facets of community interaction parallel those of associational settings. Hence, to the extent that one’s status with friends and neighbors reflects the loss of occupational roles, a negative correlation similar to that
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evidenced in the family would be expected. On the other hand, since informal community activities are often associated with valued formal organizational settings [ I ] , a positive correlation would obtain relative to satisfaction change. Consequently, this dual community focus might account for the rather weak correlation observed. Finally, work commitment was not found to be critical in satisfaction change following retirement. In addition, those persons who exhibited strong commitments actually desired reengagement less than those with low commitment. Both of these observations run counter to crisis theory. It seems likely that the institutionalized character of retirement [ 121 and the anticipatory nature of this event [43] prepare the person for this transition in advance. Accordingly, the individual “reinvests” his emotional capital in factors unrelated to occupational endeavors. As a consequence, while satisfaction may decline to some extent with retirement, this diminution is not directly related to job commitment. Similarly, the absence of the desire to re-engage in active employment would further argue the fact that value priorities have changed. Hence, if “loss” is an element in negative satisfaction change, the work role does not appear to be the major determinative factor.
Limitations and Research Suggestions Perhaps the most obvious limitation to this research is found in the crisis framework itself. This formulation is somewhat deterministic in its suggestion that social and psychological disruption always arise with the relinquishment of occupational employment. In the present instance, little psychological or behavioral disruption followed the retirement transition. Instead, while satisfaction was seen to decline, patterns of pre-retirement behavior continued with relative consistency into retirement. Of the behavioral changes manifest with retirement, however, evidence has been produced which indicates the type of disruption to be a more critical explanatory factor in satisfaction change than role disruption per se. The fact that positive disruptions are both possible and (in the case of the family) negatively related to satisfaction change, argues strongly the case for the theory’s inadequacy as an explanatory mechanism. Another weakness of the present orientation is its failure to consider the time element. As was pointed out, the second series of interviews were conducted an average of 5.6 months after the retirement of these respondents. A third series of interviews might have produced still different findings. Unfortunately, the crisis framework provides no indication as to the amount of time involved in restoring role set equilibrium or the effect of this newlyestablished equilibrium on diminished satisfaction. Not considered, for example, is the fact that different persons can tolerate different degrees of role disruption. Nor is it recognized that individuals live with numerous I
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behavioral inconsistencies throughout the major portion of their lives [44] . Then, too, one must consider the possibility that many of the persons in the present study fail to recognize behavioral disruptions as significant or meaningful. Hence, these disruptions are not productive of satisfaction diminution. In a similar fashion, it must be recalled that the phenomenon of retirement is not new to western culture. Streib and Schneider [I21 and Carp [ I ] , for example, regard it as an institution in its own right. As such, it is important to consider the possibility of anticipatory socialization [43]. If this process is indeed operative, it would seem reasonable to suggest that persons facing retirement might reorganize their behaviors in anticipation of the postretirement scene. This would, of course, result in little or no role disruption with respect to the actual termination of employment. In essence, then, role set disruption may be an irrelevant issue for the greater proportion of retiring males. It seems clear, then, that subsequent research must address the issues of “crisis,” role set equilibrium, and life satisfaction within the context of the “real world.” These investigations must consider the periods both before and subsequent to the termination of employment. In addition, care should be given to the various modes of role set equilibration if, indeed, this variable is felt to be functioning in the process. In this regard, some method of participant or corroborative observation should be coupled with the formal interview approach. Finally, the researcher will do well to refine his instruments in such a way as to make possible the employment of parametric statistical techniques.
Summary The present paper examined five specific assumptions of crisis theory as this orientation relates to the prediction of life satisfaction following occupational retirement. Two interviews were conducted with a group of 114 male respondents (mean age 68.2 years) residing in an urban area of central Missouri. The initial interview was undertaken in the spring of 1973 prior to the retirement of these persons. The following spring (1974), a post-retirement interview was conducted with the same individuals. The mean length of time since retirement was 5.6 months. The data reveal a significant decline in life satisfaction as predicted. Contrary to the theory, however, no significant changes in role behavior in three related areas-family, voluntary associations, and community-were found subsequent to retirement. In addition, the role changes accompanying retirement were not significantly associated with negative changes in satisfaction. Also, increases in role performance were not significantly related to positive changes in satisfaction. Finally, the correlation
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between work commitment and change in satisfaction proved negative and nonsignificant. On the other hand, the correlation between work commitment and the desire for subsequent employment was negative and significant. In sum, four of the five assumptions of crisis theory did not receive support on the basis of the data. REFERENCES
1. Carp, F. M. Retirement, New York: Behavioral Publications, Inc., 1972. 2. Parsons, T. Essays in sociological theory pure and applied, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1949. 3. Burgess, E. W. Preface, The Journal of Social Issues, 14:1, 1958. 4. Shock, N. W. Trends in gerontology, Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1957. 5. Stokes, R. G., and Maddox, G. L. Some social factors on retirement adaptation, Journal of Gerontology, 22:329-333, 1967. 6. Wolff, K. The biological, sociological and psychological aspects of aging, Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, 1959. 7. Goodstein, L. D. Personal adjustment factors and retirement, Geriatrics, 17:41-45, 1962. 8. Friedmann, E. A., and Havighurst, R. J. The meaning of work and retirement, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954. 9. Dubin, R . Industrial workers’ worlds. In Larrabee, E., and Meyerson, R. (Eds.), Mass leisure, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1956. 10. Weiss, R., and Kahn, R. On the definition of work among American men, Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan, Institute for Social Research (mimeographed), 1959. 11. Gerstl, J. Leisure, taste, and occupational milieu, SocialProblems, 9:56-68, 1961. 12. Streib, G. F., and Schneider, C. J. Retirement in American society: impact and process, Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 197 1. 13. Shanas, E., Townsend, P., Wedderburn, D., Friis, H., Milhoj, P., and Stehouwer, J. Old people in three industrial societies, New York: Atherton Press, 1968. 14. Ginzburg, R. The negative attitude toward the elderly, Geriatrics, 7:297-302, 1952. 15. Tuckman, J., and Lorge, I. Attitudes toward old people, Journal of Social Psychology, 37:249-260, 1953. 16. Neugarten, B. L., and Garron, D. The attitudes of middle-aged persons toward growing older, Geriatrics, 14:21-24, 1959. 17. Kogan, N. Attitudes toward old people in an older sample, Journal of Abnormal Social Psychology, 62:616-622, 1961. 18. Zola, I. Feelings about age among older people, Journal of Gerontology, 17:65-68, 1962.
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19. Rosow, I. Socialization t o old age. Paper prepared for a Conference on Adult Socialization and Retirement. Sponsored by the National Institute o f Chiid Health and Human Development, San Francisco, Calif., February 29-March 2, 1968. 20. Havighurst, R. J. Social and psychological needs of the aging, Annals o f the American Academy of Politicaland SocialSciences, 279:ll-17, 1952. 21. Parsons, T. Age and sex in the social structure of the United States, pp. 89-103 in Parsons, T. Essays in sociological theory, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1954. 22. Tibbitts, C. Retirement problems in American society, American Journal o f So ciology, 5 9 :3 0 1-308, 19 54. 23. Moore, W. The aged in industrial societies, Chapter 2 in Industrial relations in the social order, Moore, W. (Ed.), New York: Macmillan Company, 1951. 24. Simpson, I., and McKinney, J. Social aspects o f aging, Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1966. 25. Streib, G. F., Thompson, W. E., and Suchman, E. A. The Cornell study of occupational retirement, Journal o f Social Issues, 2:3-17, 1958. 26. Donahue, W., Orbach, H. L., and Pollak, 0. Retirement: the emerging social pattern, pp. 330-406 in Tibbitts, C. (Ed.), Handbook of social gerontology, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. 27. Cartwright, R. Effects of psychotherapy on self consistency, Journal of Counseling Psychology, 4: 15-22, 1957. 28. Cartwright, R. The effects of psychotherapy on self consistency: a replication and extension, Journal o f Consultant Psychology, 25:37629. Block, J. Ego identity, role variability and adjustment, Journal o f Consultant Psychology, 25:392-397, 1961. 30. Meltzer, M. L. Role variability as a function o f understanding others, Washington, D. C.: Catholic University-American Press, 1957. 31. Havighurst, R. J., and Albrecht, R. Older people, New York: Longmans, Green, 1953. 32. Kutner, B., Fanshel, D., Togo, A., and Langner, T. Five hundred over sixty, New York: The Russel Sage Foundation, 1956. 33. Phillips, B. S. Social research: strategy and tactics, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1973. 34. Brotman, H. A profile of the older American. Address read before the Conference on Consumer Problems o f Older People, New York: Administration on Aging, No. 208, 1968. 35. McKee, J. B. Introduction to sociology, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1969. 36. Biddle, B. J., and Thomas, E. J. Role theory, New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966. 37. Orbach, H. L., and Shaw, D. M. Social participation and the role of the aging, Geriatrics, 12:241-246, 1957. 38. Neugarten, B. L., Havighurst, R. J., and Tobin, S. S. The measurement of life satisfaction, Journal o f Gerontology, 16 : 134-143, 196 1.
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39. Lipman, A. Role conceptions and morale of couples in retirement, Journal of Gerontology, 16:267-271, 1961. 40. Reiss, A. J. Occupations and social status, New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1 96 1. 41. Srole, L. Social integration and certain corollaries, American Sociological Review, 21:709-716, 1956. 42. Rose, A. M. The impact of aging on voluntary associations. In Tibbitts, C. (Ed.), Handbook of social gerontology, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. 43. Merton, R. K. Social theory and social structure, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957. 44. Aronson, E. Dissonance theory: progress and problems. In Abelson, R. P., Aronson, E., McGuire, W. J., Newcomb, T. M., Rosenberg, M. J., and Tannenbaum, P. H. (Eds.), Sourcebook of cognitive consistency, New York: Rand-McNally, 1968. Address reprint requests to: Bill D. Bell, Ph.D. Gerontology Program P.O. Box 688 University of Nebraska at Omaha Omaha, Nebraska, 68101
