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The Role and Function of Drinking Games in a University Community a

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Ian M. Newman PhD , Janet K. Crawford PhD & Margaret J. Nellis PhD

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University of Nebraska-Lincoln , USA Published online: 09 Jul 2010.

To cite this article: Ian M. Newman PhD , Janet K. Crawford PhD & Margaret J. Nellis PhD (1991) The Role and Function of Drinking Games in a University Community, Journal of American College Health, 39:4, 171-175, DOI: 10.1080/07448481.1991.9936230 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07448481.1991.9936230

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The Role and Function of Drinking Games in a University Community

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IAN M. NEWMAN, PhD, JANET K. CRAWFORD, PhD, and MARGARET J.NELLIS, PhD

Understandingthe role of drinking games in college student life is criticalfor program planners who wish to develop education and prevention programs to reduce abusive drinking. Drinking games are popular social activities that provide a focus for social interactions but place students at considerable risk for serious consequences. This article reports preliminary results of a study using participant observation and indepth interviews to develop a typology of drinking games and describe patterns and practices associated with the games.

A telephone survey of lifestyle practices of a random sample of 303 University of Nebraska-Lincoln undergraduate students found that 39% of the male drinkers and 37.8% of the female drinkers had played a drinking game in the previous 4 weeks. Analysis of reports from freshmen in an orientation class at the same university revealed that as many as 70% of the men and 75% of the women who reported drinking alcohol had played a drinking game during the previous 4 weeks, suggesting that drinking games are more popular among freshmen than among upperclassmen.’ Douglas surveyed 311 students at Towson State University and reported that 81OO/ had participated in drinking games on at least one occasion before or after entering college, 13X reported playing a drinking game once a week, 15% participated twice a month, and 35% played less than once a year.’

The authors are all at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Ian M. Newman is director of the Nebraska Prevention Center for Alcohol and Drug Abuse and professor of health education. Janet K. Crawford is a health educatorlinstructor with the University Health Center, where Margaret J. Ndlis is head of community health and an assistant professor of health education and of psychology.

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As these studies suggest, participation in drinking games is common among university students. Eighty different drinking games have been described in two recently published books.3r4Understanding the role and function of these games is therefore of interest to those who seek ways to reduce the public health consequences of young adult alcohol abuse. Alcohol consumption has been chronicled by crosssectional surveys and quantity-frequency analyses, but we could find only two papers deating with the dynamics of drinking game behavior. Douglas,’ at Towson State University, suggested that drinking games on US campuses could be grouped into four categories related to physical activity, verballintellectual skills, devices, and miscellaneous. Hodges,’ in New Zealand, conducted an anthropological analysis of drinking games that looked at competitiveness and control in men-only groups. He identified three categories of games related to consumption, chance, and skill. Beyond these, there have been few attempts to study the role and function of drinking games or to speculate on their significance. Because so little is recorded about the dynamics of college drinking games, the first phase of this project used the methods of naturalistic observation and indepth but unstructured interviews to (1) establish a typology of drinking games, (2) assess the impact of drinking games on consumption, (3) explore the motives for participating in drinking games, and (4) suggest a theoretical orientation on which to base a larger, more focused study. The naturalistic methods of participation observation and unstructured interviews, common in cultural anthropology, made the most of the opportunity for collecting new data without the limiting perspective of a pre-established orientation. This largely atheoretical, descriptive study was conducted to establish a basis upon which to plan a more focuse’d and theory-oriented study of drinking game

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COLLEGE HEALTH behavior. For the first phase of this project, a female research associate in her late twenties attended 15 offcampus parties to which she had been invited or was able to attend because they had "open" admission. In addition, we interviewed 25 individuals who had played or observed drinking games.

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METHOD This study was conducted in a midwestern community of 205,000 people with a university where 26,000 students were enrolled. One investigator conducted all observations and interviews. The investigator maintained the same role at each of the parties, which were held in warehouses, apartment clubhouses, or homes and attended by 25 to 75 individuals. We attempted to make observations of different persons, at different times and ID cations, and on different days. Detailed field notes were kept of the descriptions of people, events, activities, and conversations as well as the investigator's actions. Naturalistic observation, as used in this study, is not considered an experimental method and therefore does not depend upon random selection. It does, however, depend on repeated observations until little or no new data are suggested. Similarly, those interviewed were not selected at random but were purposely selected to represent a cross section of participants who were conveniently available. The unstructured interviews were also continued until little new data were gleaned from the process. This process generates successive views that approximate the behavior of interest. These methods are useful for exploring behaviors that have not been previously described in detail. Although the investigator brings her or his own personal biases to the process, there is a conscious attempt to interpret the behavior of interest through the eyes of the participants, not the investigator.

RESULTS Types of Drinking Games On the basis of interview data, we identified five classes of games. Each appealed to different motives and provided different rewards. Each followed a set of rules and had as its outcome the management of others' drinking practices.

Consumption games. In these games, players compete to see who can consume the most alcohol without showing any immediate physical signs of intoxication. Competitive drinking, using a beer bong, and games like Kill the Keg, Tending the Teat, and 100 Beer Club are examples of consumption games3 Both men and women play and receive acclaim from their peers for outperforming others. Women, particularly smaller women, who can consume large amounts of alcohol are especially praised. Often the greatest applause and praise is directed to the opposite sex: men acknowledge and encourage women more than men and vice versa.

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Skill games. These games involve physical skill, with the less-skilled player forced to consume alcohol. Quarters and Cups are examples of skill games3 that provide a means of quick intoxication, a possible means of subtle communication, often with someone of the opposite sex, and a way to control another person's drinking. IQ games. IQ games involve players in intellectually challenging activities that often require quick recall and skills such as the use of hand signals. Failure results in being forced to drink alcohol. Because alcohol decreases the gameplayer's ability, acclaim and reward come to those who can drink and still play well. Unity games. Played with close friends, these noncompetitive games emphasize togetherness and mutual enjoyment. Hi Bob, for example, involves a group of friends watching The Bob Newhart Show on television. Each time someone on the program says "Hi Bob," all members of the group drink up.3 Team games. Group games resemble relays, pitting one group against another. These are often variations of consumption games or skill games but involve many more individuals and add the rewards of playing as a team. Quantity of Alcohol Consumed Students at parties were selected at random and o b served for 15 minutes to estimate the amounts of alcohol they consumed. Gameplayers consumed more beer than nongameplayers: female and male gameplayers both consumed approximately 1V'Z 12-ounce cans of beer in the 15 minutes they were observed. Each female nongameplayer consumed approximately Y3 can of beer, and each male nongameplayer consumed approximately V'Z can of beer in the 15-minute sample period. The discrepancy between players and nonplayers suggested that drinking games are associated with increased consumption for women more than for men. This raises the question of whether the games are responsible for this increased consumption or whether people who play drinking games are also more likely to drink heavily.

Motives for Participating in Drinking Games

To socialize. Sixty-four percent of the students interviewed in this study reported that they or others played drinking games to socialize more easily with other students. The fact that 73% of the freshmen, compared with 38% of the general student body at this university, had played drinking games in the last 4 weeks supports the possibility that drinking games help to overcome difficulties in establishing relationships with others. Games may be a form of socializing; the nature of the game or the way the game is played may be important for specific socializing needs such as establishing contact with the opposite sex.

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DRINKING GAMES Games provide an easy means of relating to others, even strangers. Willing participants in a game join with others in a common and meaningful activity that quickly establishes new relationships. Drinking games, themselves, encourage drunkenness, which, for some, further facilitates socializing. Drunkenness may inhibit whatever it is that makes socializing difficult in the first place, thus removing an obstacle to the establishment of relationships with individuals of the opposite sex. The act of drinking, like the act of joining a group game, creates a bond between participants and encourages socializing. These points are illustrated by the game of Quarters, which was the game most frequently mentioned in interviews and observed at parties. Quarters provides a means of communicating special messages to fellow players. Quarters begins with a full cup of beer placed in the center of a table. The players try to bounce a quarter off the table into the cup. Many variations of the game exist. At this university, it is most common for the player who successfully flips the quarter into the cup to select another player to drink all the beer in the cup. If the player misses the cup, the turn passes to the next participant. The danger of the game, in addition to excessive alcohol consumption, is the risk of swallowing the quarter. Among 45 students in a freshman orientation class who had played Quarters in the previous 4 weeks, 4 men and 6 women reported swallowing a quarter.' It is not uncommon for a man to select the same woman to consume the alcohol over and over again when he successfully gets the quarter in the cup. If, in turn, this same woman, when she successfully flips the quarter into the cup, requests the same man to consume the alcohol, the gesture is returned-the bond is created. If, on the other hand, she requests that a different man consume the alcohol, she could have given a cold shoulder and opened a relationshipwith another man. Depending on the situation, it is also possible that the woman could be "protecting" a special person from further intoxication. The male and female roles described here may be reversed. The function of such actions may vary in new groups in contrast to long-established groups and may be modified by conversation accompanying the game. For example, bragging about personal consumption capacity may be met by all the players ganging up on this individual to make this person drink at every opportunity. Conversely, players rarely request their friends to drink unless they are playing in small groups. Although the specifics of how Quarters is played may vary, the activities around the Quarters table appear to provide an effective, informal, unspoken matching process in which signals are given and returned by the medium of an intoxicant that tends to decrease the inhibitions of those involved. Couples who have initiated relationships in this manner may find it easer to relate to each other after the game. All the individuals interviewed indicated that one of the reasons why Quarters

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was played by men was to pick up women or to take advantage of them. Half of those interviewed indicated that women played drinking games so they could get men's attention; Quarters provided a meaningful way to achieve this end. The following quotations from interviews illustrate this role of drinking games:

I think people play all kinds of drinking games for a way to meet people. To meet the opposite sex. I can remember being set up with girls for a date, and we would actually meet each other at the Quarters table. . . . People participate in drinking games because they are a way to fit in. . Drinking games get a person involved with more people. If I'm at a party and everybody just stands in their own little groups all night, you can't meet very many people. If someone starts a Quarters game, more people will eventually join in. This way, everybody can mingle with everybody else. . . .

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Socializing not only implies establishing a relationship with others but it also implies an ordering of relationships. Thus, drinking games appear to provide a way for students to establish their place in the order of things, as revealed in these comments from interviews: Another thing I must say about drinking games is that, yes, this is a good way for macho men to prove how much they can drink. I myself have stepped up and challenged people to play Quarters when I knew I could drink them under the table. . I have been in many competitive drinking games where people would never think of dropping out until they are drunk. There is also a lot of peer pressure to play these games and to stay in them as long as you can.

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To get drunk. Ninety-two percent of the students interviewed reported that drinking games were played to get drunk. Not only was drunkenness an objective, but getting drunk quickly was regularly reported as a reason for participation. In addition to getting drunk themselves, three quarters of these students mentioned that drinking games were played to get someone else drunk; one third specifically mentioned the opposite sex. Quotations from interviews illustrate this point: There is one purpose and only one purpose to drinking games and that is to get all those involved drunk. . Drinking games are a way for those who normally don't like the taste of alcohol and for those who want to catch a quick buzz to go about drinking. A lot of times the people who play the games normally don't just drink a beer because it tastes good-they need to slam it. .

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Consequences. Practically all students reported negative outcomes from overconsumption as a result of playing games. Reported outcomes ranged from intoxication to automobile crashes. The names of many games suggest the possible consequences: Brain Death, Suicide, Shot a Minute, Slam, Dizzy Izzy, Burnout.'~~ Nobody, in other words, enters a game unaware of its potentially negative consequences. Students,

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COLLECX HEALTH however, continue to enter games and play games and experience the negative consequences. Games appear to provide benefits that outweigh consequences. Exactly what the benefits are and how they relate to the motives of college students is a question for future study.

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DISCUSSION This study used participant observation and in-depth interviews in contrast to most studies of college drinking behavior that rely on cross-sectional surveys based on recall. These cross-sectional studies suggest that there is a higher percentage of drinkers among men, that men consume alcohol more frequently than women, consume larger amounts, and experience more negative consequences.&" The percentage of women who report consuming alcohol, however, is increasing. The results reported here, even though they are preliminary, fit well within the cross-sectionaldata and add meaning to these data. Most important, the increasing prevalence of women alcohol users may be explained in part by the prevalence of drinking games. Recognizing the role of drinking games in socializing gives a new importance to the motives to join in such games and possibly helps explain sex differences and changes in these differences found in studies of college drinking behavior. In an effort to be accepted, women may place themselves at special risk by choosing drinking games as a vehicle to aid socializing. The most important difference between college students and their noncollege-aged peers is in the repdrted occasions of heavy (binge) drinking, which has been defined as five or more drinks in a row in the past 2 weeks. Forty-five percent of college students are occasional heavy drinkers in contrast to 38% of peers their age and 37% of high school seniors.'2 Because drinking games appear more prevalent among college students than noncollege-aged peers, the role drinking games play in binge drinking is important. If the prevalence of drinking games is recognized and the data reported here on increased consumption by game players i s accurate, then games may contrib Ute significantly to binge drinking. Perhaps most important is the apparent impact of games on binge drinking among women. Cross-sectional survey data, however, do not reflect an increase in binge drinking by women. College men account for the overall differences in use between college students and their noncollege-aged group. Between 11982 and 1986, the prevalence of binge drinking among college men rose from 52% to 58%, whereas among college women it dropped from 37% to 34%.12 The cross-sectional data and the participant observation data are not necessarily in conflict. It is possible that the women who play drinking games are the same ones who binge drink. Unanswered is the question of whether playing drinking games actually increases the amount of alcohol consumed over that consumed in

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nongame situations or whether games actually encourage students to play and thus increase the likelihood of binge drinking-a tendency that may show up in future cross-sectional surveys. According to Moore and Ger~tein,'~drinking practices and the environment in which drinking takes place play a role in creating and shaping alcohol p r o b lems. For example, Biber, Hashway, and Annick14 reported that men drinking in small groups with no planned activities or food show heavier consumption patterns than men drinking in small mixed-sex groups with planned activities and food present. From this study, it appears that the drinking environment may involve more than physical features. The psychological environment related to not being part of an established social group, needing acceptance, and wishing to control others may be more important than the physical environment. The two, however, cannot be viewed separately. Implications for Student Personnel and Health Workers Drinking games are a significant activity on the typical drinking scene. They appear to meet socializing needs and affect the amount of alcohol consumed. As such, they deserve special attention in college alcoholprevention activities and in helping students plan social activities. The fact that students often report drinking games as the only party activity suggests ample opportunity to assist in the development and implementation of alternative activities, something often talked about but for which little is done. If drinking games do affect consumption for both men and women by increasing binge drinking, then there is a real need to address issues of personal risk assessment and risk reduction in college education and prevention activities and to do so separately for men and women. Adolescents' apparent belief in personal invulnerability is an important problem in all educational approaches dealing with health education. As we learn more about drinking games, we may find concrete examples of personal risk and risk reduction. Educators may be able to use the games effectively in programs aimed at creating a more realistic picture of vulnerability. Similarly, if the motive for playing drinking games results in part from a deficit in social skills, then assisting students in developing social skills before they enter college and during the first year of college may be an important prevention strategy for those responsible for health and welfare. Even if students have good social skills and a sense of adequacy, the difficulties of their transition to college should be counteracted by increased opportunities to meet new people in a variety of social settings that are attractive enough to compete with drinking game situations. These interpretations must be considered tentative at this time. They appear to have a foundation in the re-

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DRINKING GAMES sults of this study and in the alcohol education literature in general, but our results are only preliminary. These are issues that need to be explored further.

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CONCLUSION Naturalistic observations and unstructured interviews are useful methods for gathering new data about college student drinking games. Outside observers do not appear to affect game-playing behavior unduly. Unstructured interviews provide valuable narrative data that can be used to develop protocols for structured interviews. These more efficient structured interviews should help us understand and identify ways to minimize the coercive nature of games and explore ways to help students resist the pressures to give up control of their own consumption patterns. Playing drinking games is a useful way to facilitate socializing and our data suggest a series of psychologically oriented questions for future study: Why do some who use game playing to establish friendships appear to be satisfied with the social contacts whereas other continue to play and use games as a means of domination? What is the difference between individuals who savor game success as an outcome compared with those who savor drunkenness as an outcome?Is drunkenness the result of perceived failure at the game, or is the game simply a means to justify drunkenness, or are these two outcomes more complexly related? Do the types of games described here relate to social need or social pressure? A second set of questions that relates to the interests of cultural anthropologists concerns issues such as how the ritualistic aspects of drinking games give meaning and substance to man-man and woman-woman relationships, how games contribute to the symbolic meaning of drinking and drunkenness in a largely competitive society, the significance of the "intrusion" of women into a previously male-only practice, and differences in game playing that might be evident in other subcultural groups such as blue- or white-collar workers, ethnic, or national groups. Phase 2 of this project will involve the conduct of a larger, more focused study and is specifically designed to explore the role of drinking games in the relationship between the need to socialize and the possible outcomes of the socializing process among college students. The objective of Phase 2 will be to develop a tentative theory of drinking game behavior. INDEX TERMS

college drinking, alcohol, drinking games, binge drinking

REFERENCES 1. Crawford J, Nellis M. The Game With No Winner. Unpublished manuscript. Lincoln, Nebraska: University Health

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Center, University of Nebraska-Lincoln; 1988. 2. Douglas P. Biz-Buzz, Turtles, Quarters, and One Horse Club: The role of drinking games among high school and college students. Alcohol Health and Research World. Summer 1987;11:54-57. 3. Griscom A, Rand 6, JohnsonS. The Complete Book of Beer Drinking Games. New Haven: R. j. Publications; 1984. 4. Griscom, A, Rand B, JohnstonS, Balay M. Beer Games I / : The Exploitative Sequel. New Haven: Mustang Publishing; 1986. 5. Hodges I. Vernacular and the negotiation of intimacy. A journal for Radical Perspectives on Culture. 1985;11:13-19. 6. Straus R, Bacon S. Drinking in College. New Haven: Yale University Press; 1953. 7. Hanson DJ. Drinking attitudes and behaviors among college students. journal of Alcohol and Drug Education. 1974;19(3):6-14. 8. Engs RC. Drinking patterns and drinking problems of college students. / Studies on Alcohol. 1977;38(11):21442156. 9. Hinrichs D, Haskell K. Drinking behavior at a small liberal arts college. journal of College Student Personnel. 1978; 19(6):557-562. 10. Barnes G , Welte J. Predictors of alcohol use among college students in New York State. j Am Coll Health. 1983; 31 :150-1 57. 11. Engs R, Hanson D. The drinking patterns and problems of college students: 1983. I Studies on Alcohol. 1985;31(1): 65-83. 12. Johnston L, OMalley PM, Bachman JG. Drug Use

Among American High School Students, College Students and Other Young Adults: National Trends Through 7985. DHHS Publication No. (ADM) 87-1535. Rockville, M D US Government Printing Office; 1987. 13. Moore MD, Gerstein DR, eds. Alcohol and Public Policy: Beyond the Shadow of Prohibition. Washington, DC: National Academy Press; 1981. 14. Biber S, Hashway R, Annick 1. Drinking patterns of male and female collegians: Are the patterns converging?journal of College Student Personnel. 1980;21(4):349-353.

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The role and function of drinking games in a university community.

Understanding the role of drinking games in college student life is critical for program planners who wish to develop education and prevention program...
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