Child Development, xxxx 2014, Volume 00, Number 0, Pages 1–16
Trajectories of Ethnic-Racial Discrimination Among Ethnically Diverse Early Adolescents: Associations With Psychological and Social Adjustment Erika Y. Niwa
Niobe Way and Diane L. Hughes
Brooklyn College, CUNY
New York University
Using longitudinal data, the authors assessed 585 Dominican, Chinese, and African American adolescents (Grades 6–8, Mage at W1 = 11.83) to determine patterns over time of perceived ethnic-racial discrimination from adults and peers; if these patterns varied by gender, ethnicity, and immigrant status; and whether they are associated with psychological (self-esteem, depressive symptoms) and social (friend and teacher relationship quality, school belonging) adjustment. Two longitudinal patterns for adult discrimination and three longitudinal patterns for peer discrimination were identified using a semiparametric mixture model. These trajectories were distinct with regard to the initial level, shape, and changes in discrimination. Trajectories varied by gender and ethnicity and were significantly linked to psychological and social adjustment. Directions for future research and practice are discussed.
Ethnic-racial discrimination is a common experience for many ethnic minority youth (Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006; Hwang & Goto, 2008; Liang, Grossman, & Deguchi, 2007; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003) and is negatively associated with a range of outcomes, including psychological adjustment (e.g., Brittian, Toomey, Gonzales, & Dumka, 2013; Coker et al., 2009; Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; Sellers, Copeland-Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006). Emerging research also indicates that it may negatively impact social adjustment (e.g., Brittian et al., 2013; Liang et al., 2007; Niwa, Way, Qin-Hilliard, & Okazaki, 2011). Furthermore, the literature suggests that adolescents grow increasingly attuned to discrimination over time (e.g., Brown & Bigler, 2005; Romero & Roberts, 1998; Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers, & Jackson, 2008) and that source plays an important role in the influence of discrimination on adjustment (e.g., Benner & Graham, 2013; Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006). Few studies, however, have examined how discrimination may change over time, vary by source (i.e., peers, adults), and be associated with psychological and This research was supported by grants from the National Science Foundation, the W.T. Grant Foundation, and New York University. This manuscript is based on the doctoral dissertation of the first author, conducted under the supervision of the second and third authors at New York University. The lead author, Erika Y. Niwa, is now affiliated with the Department of Psychology at the City University of New York’s Brooklyn College. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Erika Y. Niwa, Department of Psychology, Brooklyn College, Brooklyn, NY 11210. Electronic mail may be sent to eyniwa@ brooklyn.cuny.edu.
social adjustment (e.g., Brittian et al., 2013; Greene et al., 2006; Hwang & Goto, 2008; Liang et al., 2007). The present study seeks distinct patterns over time of ethnic-racial discrimination among ethnically diverse adolescents, as well as their demographic correlates and associations with psychological and social adjustment. Ethnic-Racial Discrimination Adolescents perceive ethnic-racial discrimination —unfair and differential treatment based on ethnicity or race—on a regular basis (Wong et al., 2003) and across multiple contexts (Benner & Graham, 2013; Fisher et al., 2000; Simons et al., 2002; Szalacha et al., 2003). Ethnicity and race are separate but intertwined categories that often jointly impact discrimination (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Race is a superordinate phenotypic category, while ethnicity refers to cultural group membership (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Their overlap is critical, such that ethnicity is more salient if one is “visibly ethnic” (Waters, 1996) and many youth perceive their race and ethnicity as interchangeable, if not identical (Swanson et al., 2003). During adolescence, ethnic-racial discrimination can come from multiple sources, including peers and adults (Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006; © 2014 The Authors Child Development © 2014 Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2014/xxxx-xxxx DOI: 10.1111/cdev.12310
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Niwa et al., 2011; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). For example, African American and Latino adolescents report more adult discrimination, while Asian Americans report more peer discrimination (e.g., Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006). Patterns of discrimination may also vary by source. For example, peer discrimination remains stable while adult discrimination increases over time (Greene et al., 2006). Discrimination’s source may also be linked to different outcomes. In one study, discrimination from adults in school was linked to lower academic achievement, whereas peer discrimination was linked to lower psychological adjustment (Benner & Graham, 2013). Yet much extant research neglects source (e.g., Brittian et al., 2013; Coker et al., 2009) and more work is needed to examine how source differentially impacts adjustment (Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003). Discrimination also takes varying forms. These forms emerge from an extensive adult literature that differentiates between symbolic (subtle) and traditional (blatant) discrimination (e.g., Kinder & Sears, 1981; Sue et al., 2007). Research with adolescents also distinguishes between explicit and implicit discrimination (Fisher et al., 2000; Hwang & Goto, 2008; Liang et al., 2007; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Way, Mukherjee, Hughes, & Niwa, 2009). Much of the extant adolescent research, however, uses measures that address neither source nor form (e.g., Brittian et al., 2013) or focus on form while neglecting source (e.g., Coker et al., 2009). Research also indicates that forms of discrimination, particularly implicit discrimination, are often grounded in specific ethnic-racial stereotypes (e.g., Niwa et al., 2011; Way, Santos, Niwa, & Kim-Gervey, 2008). Explicit discrimination, on the other hand, takes similar forms across ethnic groups even if they are grounded in different stereotypes (Niwa, 2012). Thus, it is important that measures do not conflate or assume universality of forms. The current study focuses solely on explicit discrimination as it is likely to manifest similarly across ethnic groups. Change Over Time in Ethnic-Racial Discrimination Ethnic-racial discrimination is expected to increase during middle school when there is rapid physical, cognitive, and social-emotional development, as well as changes in relationships with peers and adults (Erikson, 1968; Roeser, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2000). Early adolescence is also marked by heightened awareness of ethnic-racial group membership, changing expectations from others, and increased ethnic segregation of peer groups (e.g.,
Roeser et al., 2000). Cognitive and identity development also make adolescents more likely to understand how stereotypes impact interactions, identify and perceive discrimination, and be exposed to racism and discrimination (e.g., Erikson, 1968; McKown & Strambler, 2009). Despite this, limited longitudinal research exists on discrimination during middle school (for an exception, see Wong et al., 2003). Extant research, which is mostly cross-sectional, suggests that discrimination increases with age (Coker et al., 2009; Romero & Roberts, 1998; Seaton et al., 2008; Szalacha et al., 2003), but other pathways may exist (Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006), challenging the notion of a common pattern and supporting exploration of varying trajectories. Social Position Variables Discrimination may vary by key social position variables (Garcıa Coll et al., 1996). Ethnicity Studies indicate ethnic differences in adolescents’ perceptions of ethnic-racial discrimination (e.g., Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). For example, Romero and Roberts (1998) found that African American adolescents perceive more discrimination than Mexican and Vietnamese American adolescents. Studies also indicate ethnic differences by source, with Asian American adolescents perceiving more discrimination from peers, while African American and Latino adolescents perceive more from adults (e.g., Fisher et al., 2000; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). This may be due to stereotypes of Asian Americans as passive and high achieving (Wong & Halgin, 2006) compared to stereotypes of African Americans as aggressive and low achieving (Noguera, 2003). Ethnicity also impacts discrimination trajectories. For example, African American youth report a steeper increase over time in peer and adult discrimination compared to their Puerto Rican peers (Greene et al., 2006). Other research indicates that African Americans and Puerto Ricans may experience low stable trajectories of peer discrimination since they are perceived as “cooler” than Asian Americans and immigrants (Way et al., 2008). Stereotypes of Asian Americans and immigrants as hardworking may protect them from adult discrimination, but make them increasingly vulnerable to peer discrimination (Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). Some studies have not found ethnic differences (Benner & Graham, 2013), while others focus on one ethnic group (e.g., Seaton
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make friends (Liang et al., 2007). Such findings emphasize the importance of exploring whether discrimination impacts the ability to form close friendships. Moreover, adult discrimination may impact close relationships since fractures in relationships with adults place youth at a higher risk for academic and socioemotional problems (e.g., Eccles et al., 1993; Roeser et al., 2000; Smetana, CampioneBarr, & Metzger, 2006). Adolescents who perceive adults and peers as discriminatory will likely feel less intimately connected to adults, best friends, and their school (e.g., Eccles et al., 1993; Roeser et al., 2000; Way, Reddy, & Rhodes, 2007), yet scholars have only begun to uncover discrimination’s social costs (e.g., Benner & Graham, 2013; Brittian et al., 2013; Niwa et al., 2011). The Present Study This study examines distinct patterns of ethnicracial discrimination from adults and peers during middle school among Dominican, Chinese, and African American adolescents. We also explore whether those patterns vary by social position variables (ethnicity, gender, immigrant status) and are associated with psychological and social adjustment. A person-oriented growth mixture model (e.g., Muthen & Muthen, 2001; Nagin, 2005) helps identify profiles of ethnic-racial discrimination over time. Person-oriented approaches assume heterogeneity in individuals’ intercepts, rates of change over time, and the direction and shape of such change (Nagin & Tremblay, 1999; Windle & Weisner, 2004). In comparison, variable-centered analyses (e.g., Willet & Sayer, 1994) estimate individual differences around a single growth curve, even if they are not assumed to have similar patterns over time (e.g., Windle & Weisner, 2004). In this case, a person-centered approach untangles intraindividual variability over time from interindividual variability in pathways of discrimination. Theory suggests that adolescents’ perceptions of discrimination may increase during middle school (Brown & Bigler, 2005), but empirical studies illustrate the existence of stable trajectories and low mean levels of discrimination (Greene et al., 2006). We expect at least two patterns of change, one that increases and another that remains low and stable (Brown & Bigler, 2005; Greene et al., 2006), as well as variations by ethnicity, gender, and immigrant status (e.g., Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Way et al., 2008). We expect Chinese Americans to be in high and/or increasing peer discrimination profiles compared to Dominican and African Americans.
Conversely, African Americans are expected to be in high and/or increasing adult discrimination profiles compared to Dominican and Chinese Americans. Boys are expected to be in high and/or increasing profiles from peers and adults. We do not have a hypothesis regarding immigrant status differences. Finally, we expect that membership in high and/or increasing profiles across source will be associated with lower psychosocial adjustment. Due to the critical role of peers during middle school, we expect that peer discrimination will be more detrimental to self-esteem and depressive symptoms, while adult discrimination may only impact self-esteem (Greene et al., 2006). Due to scant research, however, we do not hypothesize about social adjustment, but we do expect that source-specific discrimination will be associated with parallel relationship quality. For example, peer discrimination may be associated with decreased best friendship quality.
Method Participants The present sample consists of Dominican, Chinese, and African American middle school students in New York City (NYC) from a larger longitudinal study on the development of ethnically diverse adolescents, conducted by the Center for Research on Culture, Development, and Education at New York University. The present sample (N = 585) includes low-income Dominican (n = 156), Chinese (n = 205), and African American (n = 224) adolescents (boys = 49%). Dominican and Chinese Americans are predominantly foreign born (94% and 96%), while African Americans are predominantly U.S. born (63%). Adolescents attended NYC public middle schools and were an average of 11.83 years old (range = 10–14 years) in the spring of sixth grade. The larger longitudinal study included 1,034 Dominican, Puerto Rican, Mexican, White, African American, Chinese, and mixed-race adolescents in 6th to 8th grades, with a subsample followed in 9th and 11th grades. Adolescents were selected for the present study based on ethnicity and having at least one complete wave of discrimination data from 6th to 8th grades. The present study focused on three key ethnic groups: Dominican and Chinese Americans are the first and second largest sources of foreign-born New Yorkers and NYC has one of the highest urban populations of African Americans (Roberts, 2008).
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make friends (Liang et al., 2007). Such findings emphasize the importance of exploring whether discrimination impacts the ability to form close friendships. Moreover, adult discrimination may impact close relationships since fractures in relationships with adults place youth at a higher risk for academic and socioemotional problems (e.g., Eccles et al., 1993; Roeser et al., 2000; Smetana, CampioneBarr, & Metzger, 2006). Adolescents who perceive adults and peers as discriminatory will likely feel less intimately connected to adults, best friends, and their school (e.g., Eccles et al., 1993; Roeser et al., 2000; Way, Reddy, & Rhodes, 2007), yet scholars have only begun to uncover discrimination’s social costs (e.g., Benner & Graham, 2013; Brittian et al., 2013; Niwa et al., 2011). The Present Study This study examines distinct patterns of ethnicracial discrimination from adults and peers during middle school among Dominican, Chinese, and African American adolescents. We also explore whether those patterns vary by social position variables (ethnicity, gender, immigrant status) and are associated with psychological and social adjustment. A person-oriented growth mixture model (e.g., Muthen & Muthen, 2001; Nagin, 2005) helps identify profiles of ethnic-racial discrimination over time. Person-oriented approaches assume heterogeneity in individuals’ intercepts, rates of change over time, and the direction and shape of such change (Nagin & Tremblay, 1999; Windle & Weisner, 2004). In comparison, variable-centered analyses (e.g., Willet & Sayer, 1994) estimate individual differences around a single growth curve, even if they are not assumed to have similar patterns over time (e.g., Windle & Weisner, 2004). In this case, a person-centered approach untangles intraindividual variability over time from interindividual variability in pathways of discrimination. Theory suggests that adolescents’ perceptions of discrimination may increase during middle school (Brown & Bigler, 2005), but empirical studies illustrate the existence of stable trajectories and low mean levels of discrimination (Greene et al., 2006). We expect at least two patterns of change, one that increases and another that remains low and stable (Brown & Bigler, 2005; Greene et al., 2006), as well as variations by ethnicity, gender, and immigrant status (e.g., Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Way et al., 2008). We expect Chinese Americans to be in high and/or increasing peer discrimination profiles compared to Dominican and African Americans.
Conversely, African Americans are expected to be in high and/or increasing adult discrimination profiles compared to Dominican and Chinese Americans. Boys are expected to be in high and/or increasing profiles from peers and adults. We do not have a hypothesis regarding immigrant status differences. Finally, we expect that membership in high and/or increasing profiles across source will be associated with lower psychosocial adjustment. Due to the critical role of peers during middle school, we expect that peer discrimination will be more detrimental to self-esteem and depressive symptoms, while adult discrimination may only impact self-esteem (Greene et al., 2006). Due to scant research, however, we do not hypothesize about social adjustment, but we do expect that source-specific discrimination will be associated with parallel relationship quality. For example, peer discrimination may be associated with decreased best friendship quality.
Method Participants The present sample consists of Dominican, Chinese, and African American middle school students in New York City (NYC) from a larger longitudinal study on the development of ethnically diverse adolescents, conducted by the Center for Research on Culture, Development, and Education at New York University. The present sample (N = 585) includes low-income Dominican (n = 156), Chinese (n = 205), and African American (n = 224) adolescents (boys = 49%). Dominican and Chinese Americans are predominantly foreign born (94% and 96%), while African Americans are predominantly U.S. born (63%). Adolescents attended NYC public middle schools and were an average of 11.83 years old (range = 10–14 years) in the spring of sixth grade. The larger longitudinal study included 1,034 Dominican, Puerto Rican, Mexican, White, African American, Chinese, and mixed-race adolescents in 6th to 8th grades, with a subsample followed in 9th and 11th grades. Adolescents were selected for the present study based on ethnicity and having at least one complete wave of discrimination data from 6th to 8th grades. The present study focused on three key ethnic groups: Dominican and Chinese Americans are the first and second largest sources of foreign-born New Yorkers and NYC has one of the highest urban populations of African Americans (Roberts, 2008).
Ethnic-Racial Discrimination
Procedures and Design Participants were recruited from six NYC public middle schools in which at least three of the target ethnic-racial groups for the larger study constituted at least 20% of the student population. Schools this diverse were rare, and only four of the six schools in our sample met this criterion. All schools had Black, White, and Latino representation and three of the schools had Chinese students. Schools were included if aggregate scores on a citywide reading and math achievement test were between the 25th and 75th percentiles in order to reduce the likelihood that race/ethnicity and achievement would be confounded. Finally, we sought high-achieving schools or programs with adequate representation of Latino and Black students. Students were informed about the study and letters with parental consent were sent home to all students, excluding self-contained and English language learning (ELL) classrooms. Research assistants distributed and collected forms until a majority were returned. Positive incentives and a small monetary incentive were provided. Seventy-seven percent of recruited adolescents returned parental consent forms and 78% of those had parental consent. Surveys were administered in the spring of sixth, seventh, and eighth grades beginning in 2004 during two class periods deemed appropriate by the school. Sixth graders answered survey questions while they were read aloud, while seventh and eighth graders completed the surveys alone. A total of 1,034 adolescents participated in at least one wave of data collection. To ensure that all students were able to participate and increase sample variability and diversity, students were also allowed to join in seventh or eighth grade. In the full sample, 73% were recruited in sixth grade, 16% in seventh grade, and 11% in eighth grade. Eighty percent of students recruited in sixth or seventh grade participated in follow-up waves. Measures Measures included demographics (age, gender, ethnicity, immigrant status), perceived ethnic-racial discrimination by adults and peers, self-esteem, depressive symptoms, best friend relationship quality, teacher–student relationship quality, and school belonging. To ensure that form and source are not conflated, this study focuses solely on explicit ethnicracial discrimination between adults and peers. Perceived explicit ethnic-racial discrimination by
5
peers was measured using the mean of an 8-item subscale from a larger 21-item measure (Way, 1997; Williams, Yu, Jackson, & Anderson, 1997). Participants responded on a 5-point scale ranging from 0 (never) to 4 (all the time) about experiences of explicit race or ethnicity-based discrimination by peers (e.g., “How often are you called names by peers because of your race or ethnicity?”). Studies have illustrated its reliability with Black, Latino, and Asian American adolescents (Greene et al., 2006). The explicit discrimination (physical/verbal harassment) subscale is reliable across all three waves (a = .94–.95). Perceived explicit ethnic-racial discrimination by adults outside of school was assessed using the explicit discrimination dimension of a parallel version of the measure (Way, 1997; as = .91–.99). We focused on adult discrimination outside of school because while youth reported similar levels of adult discrimination in and out of school, qualitative findings from our study indicate that the majority of adolescents described explicit adult discrimination outside of the school context (Niwa, 2012). Self-esteem was assessed with the mean of the 10-item Rosenberg Self-Esteem scale (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965). Students indicate agreement with each statement on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree). The RSE has been used with ethnically diverse adolescents, and has well-established reliability and validity (Buhrmester, 1990; Rosenberg, 1965; Way & Robinson, 2003). It is reliable across all three waves (as = .85–.89). Depressive symptomatology was assessed with a mean of the 10-item subscale of Buhrmester’s (1990) measure of socioemotional adjustment, with items from the Children’s Depression Inventory (Sitarenios & Kovacs, 1999) that indicate frequency of depressive symptoms on a 3-point scale from 0 (never) to 2 (all the time). It has been used with adolescents (Buhrmester, 1990; Way & Robinson, 2003) and has good reliability (as = .83–.86). The Network of Relationships Inventory (NRI) assessed adolescents’ perceptions of support from their closest same-sex friends (Furman & Buhrmester, 1985) on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (little or none) to 5 (the most). We use the mean of the positive dimension of the NRI (intimacy, affection, satisfaction, and companionship) and had good reliability across all waves (as = .92–.94). Teacher– student relationship quality was assessed with the mean of the 7-item Teacher Support subscale of a 25-item school climate measure (Brand, Felner, Shim, Seitsinger, & Dumas, 2003; Haynes, Emmons,
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& Comer, 1993) that focuses on teacher support, motivation, and respect (Brand et al., 2003; Haynes et al., 1993). Items use a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 4 (always). The larger school climate measures have good reliability and validity (Brand et al., 2003; Way & Robinson, 2003). This subscale had acceptable reliability across all three waves (as = .80–.87). School belonging was assessed with a mean of the 10-item shortened version of the Psychological Sense of School Membership scale (Goodenow, 1992). Adolescents rated items on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (not at all true) to 4 (completely true). This modified scale has been used with ethnically diverse adolescents (Washburn, 2008) and had good reliability at all waves (as = .89–.91). Analyses A semiparametric group-mixture model was used to identify and validate distinct patterns of ethnicracial discrimination from adults and peers during middle school using SAS Proc Traj (Nagin, 2005; Nagin & Tremblay, 1999). Modeling procedures involve estimating individual growth curves, and then identifying prototypic group curves based on the individual trajectories estimated for each population member. The degree to which each individual’s growth curve resembles each of the prototypic group curves is estimated by posterior probabilities (ranging from 0 to 1); individuals are classified into the trajectory group for which they have the highest probability of membership. Model outputs include the shape of each trajectory (patterns of stability and change), the estimated proportion of the population in each trajectory, and the probability that each individual belongs to each group. Model selection involved estimating a series of models with varying trajectory groups. Decisions about the optimal number of groups and their shape were guided by the Bayesian information criterion (BIC); solutions across multiple models were examined and the model with the highest BIC was selected. If a group did not reach significance on a higher order term (quadratic), specifications were changed to a lower order term (linear, constant) until parameter estimates were significant. Youth were subsequently assigned trajectory group membership. Binomial and multinomial logistic regression models were then used to examine if social position variables predicted profile membership. All demographic variables were dummy-coded and entered simultaneously. Hierarchical linear regressions examining the psychological and social correlates of
profile membership were conducted on multiple imputed data sets and data were pooled (Gelman & Hill, 2007; Little & Rubin, 1989; Schafer, 1999).
Results Preliminary Analyses Means and standard deviations for all variables are presented in Table 1. On average, adolescents perceived low levels of adult and peer discrimination across all three grades. They showed high mean levels of self-esteem and low mean levels of depressive symptoms in sixth and eighth grades. In addition, adolescents showed moderately high levels of best friendship quality and moderate levels of teacher–student relationship quality and school belonging in sixth and eighth grades. Treatment of Missing Data Model parameters for our group-mixture model were estimated using full information maximum Table 1 Variable Means and Standard Deviations
Explicit peer discrimination (0 = never to 4 = all the time) Explicit adult discrimination (0 = never to 4 = all the time) Self-esteem (1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree) Depressive symptoms (0 = none to 2 = all the time) Best friend relationship quality (NRI) (1 = none to 5 = most) Teacher–student relationship quality (1 = never to 4 = always) School belonging (1 = not at all true to 4 = completely true)
Sixth grade (n = 395) M (SD)
Seventh grade (n = 383) M (SD)
Eighth grade (n = 438) M (SD)
0.51 (0.84)
0.52 (0.73)
0.49 (0.71)
0.46 (0.67)
0.51 (0.73)
0.53 (0.71)
3.16 (0.60)
—
3.09 (0.65)
0.26 (0.32)
—
0.29 (0.35)
3.60 (0.95)
—
3.50 (1.13)
3.03 (0.59)
—
2.82 (0.68)
2.72 (0.63)
—
2.68 (0.67)
Note. NRI = Network of Relationships Inventory.
Ethnic-Racial Discrimination
likelihood, which permits for missing values (Nagin, 2005) and accurately estimates individuals’ trajectories with one or more data points (Dodge, Shen, & Ganguli, 2008; Nagin, 2005). Full information maximum likelihood is recognized as an appropriate, unbiased, and efficient method of estimating missing longitudinal data (Allison, 2001; Little & Rubin, 1989). Two thirds of the sample had at least two time points. There were no significant differences based on number of time points in demographic characteristics (ethnicity, gender), mean levels of peer and adult ethnic-racial discrimination at any wave, or psychosocial adjustment at Waves 1 or 3 with a few exceptions. Youth with three time points were more likely to be foreign born (p < .05) and youth with one time point had significantly lower best friend relationship quality (p < .05) and school belonging (p < .01) than youth with three time points. Missing outcome values were imputed using multiple imputation (MI, version 0.09-14 in R; Su, Gelman, Hill, & Yajima, 2011), which introduces appropriate random error, approximates unbiased parameter estimates, and offers better standard error estimates than single imputation (Allison, 2001; Little & Rubin, 1989; Schafer, 1999). Our MI model included demographic characteristics and all items for sixth- and eighth-grade measures of adjustment. Variation and Demographic Correlates of Ethnic-Racial Discrimination by Adults Using the above criterion, a two-group model was selected for adult discrimination (BIC = 1,344.30). Parameter and group membership estimates for trajectories in the final models were all significant at the p < .05 level. As noted, posterior probability estimates provide an additional indicator of how well individuals’ growth curves resemble each of the identified trajectories. The mean posterior probability scores for each of the groups were: M = 0.81 for Group 1 (low-stable) and M = 0.81 for Group 2 (moderate-stable). The best fitting model for adult discrimination specified two clusters: a low-stable group who did not perceive adult discrimination over time (58.5%) and a moderate-stable group who experienced moderate and stable perceptions of adult discrimination over time (moderate-stable = 41.5%; see Figure 1). Analyses revealed significant differences in the intercepts of these two groups, v2(1) = 283.55, p < .001, with youth in the moderate-stable group perceiving significantly higher levels of adult discrimination. Gender distinguished between adoles-
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Figure 1. Trajectory profiles for ethnic-racial discrimination from adults.
cents in the low and moderate profiles, v2(4, N = 585) = 22.50, p < .001 (see Table 2), with boys being 1.6 times more likely than girls to be in the moderate-stable profile. Variation and Demographic Correlates of Ethnic-Racial Discrimination by Peers A three-group model was selected for peer discrimination (BIC = 1,397.33). The three-group solution was selected based on the BIC and because it yielded an additional trajectory group of theoretical interest: adolescents who are not at a high risk for peer discrimination, but are more vulnerable than adolescents who experience no peer discrimination. Parameter and group membership estimates for trajectories in the final models were all significant (p < .05). Mean posterior probability scores for each profile was: M = 0.73 for Group 1 (low-decreasing), M = 0.77 for Group 2 (moderatedecreasing), and M = 0.82 for Group 3 (highdecreasing). The best fitting model for peer discrimination specified three linear, decreasing groups. The first cluster represented adolescents who perceived little to no discrimination from peers during middle school (low-decreasing = 41.4%). The remaining clusters represented adolescents who experienced moderate- (5%) and high-decreasing (53.7%) levels of peer discrimination during middle school (see Figure 2). Analyses revealed that the intercepts between all three groups were significantly different: Groups 1 and 2, v2(1) = 3.76, p ≤ .05; Groups 1 and 3, v2(1) = 7.60, p < .01; and Groups 2 and 3, v2(1) = 27.92, p < .001. Further analyses revealed that the slope of the moderate-decreasing group was significantly different from Groups 1 and 3, v2(1) = 7.88, p < .01 and v2(1) = 18.24, p < .001, respectively. Specifically, the moderate-decreasing group’s slope was less steep than the high-decreasing
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Table 2 Demographic Correlates of Trajectory Profiles by Source Adults Predictors Dominican Chinese Immigrant status Gender
b 0.47 0.42 0.13 0.46**
Wald
Exp(b)
3.10 2.73 0.28 6.87
0.62 1.52 0.88 1.58
Peers (moderate vs. low) 95% CI [0.37, [0.93, [0.53, [1.12,
1.06] 2.49] 1.44] 2.24]
b 1.17 0.45 1.18 1.08*
Wald
Exp(b)
3.23 0.70 2.60 6.27
0.31 1.57 3.24 2.95
Peers (high vs. low)
95% CI [0.09, [0.54, [0.77, [1.27,
1.11] 4.54] 13.50] 6.87]
b 0.78** 0.49* 0.27 0.30
Wald
Exp(b)
8.42 3.38 1.11 2.79
0.46 1.63 0.76 1.36
95% CI [0.27, [0.97, [0.46, [0.95,
0.78] 2.73] 1.26] 1.94]
Note. Adults = explicit discrimination from adults; Peers (moderate vs. low) = explicit discrimination from peers comparing the moderate-decreasing and low-decreasing profiles; Peers (high vs. low) = explicit discrimination from peers comparing the high-decreasing and low-decreasing profiles. Reference groups: African American, Native Born, Female. *p < .05. **p < .01.
and unstandardized beta coefficients are averages across the imputed data sets. Self-Esteem
Figure 2. Trajectory profiles for ethnic-racial discrimination from peers.
group, but more steep than the low-decreasing group. Demographic variables reliably distinguished between adolescents in the low-decreasing cluster compared to those in the moderate- and high-decreasing clusters, v2(8, N = 585) = 49.03, p < .001 (see Table 2). Boys were almost 3 times more likely to be in the moderate-decreasing cluster. Chinese Americans were 1.6 times more likely and Dominican Americans were almost half as likely than African Americans to be in the highdecreasing cluster. Linking Trajectories of Discrimination to Psychological and Social Adjustment Hierarchical linear regression analyses were conducted to predict psychological and social adjustment in eighth grade from cluster membership after controlling for demographics and sixth-grade adjustment. The first block of each model included demographic variables and sixth-grade adjustment. The second block included profile membership. Models were run separately for peer and adult discrimination. Reference groups are African American, native born, and females. All R2, F statistics,
Demographic variables significantly accounted for self-esteem in eighth grade, R2 = 0.25, F(5, 552) = 37.04, p < .001. Chinese Americans were more likely to have lower self-esteem than African Americans (b = .46, p < .001). Immigrant status and gender were not significant. In the second block, adult discrimination cluster membership accounted for a significant portion of the variance in self-esteem after controlling for demographics, ΔR2 = 0.03, F(1, 551) = 21.25, p < .001. In this model, Chinese Americans continued to report lower self-esteem than African Americans (b = .45, p < .001). Adolescents in the moderate-stable adult discrimination cluster were more likely to have lower self-esteem than those who experienced no adult discrimination (b = .19, p < .001). Peer discrimination cluster membership also accounted for a significant portion of the variance in self-esteem after controlling for demographics, ΔR2 = 0.02, F(2, 550) = 7.96, p < .001. In this model, Chinese Americans continued to report lower self-esteem than African Americans (b = .45, p < .001). Adolescents in the moderateand high-decreasing peer discrimination clusters were more likely to have lower self-esteem than those who experienced no peer discrimination (b = .28, p
Trajectories of Ethnic-Racial Discrimination Among Ethnically Diverse Early Adolescents: Associations With Psychological and Social Adjustment Erika Y. Niwa
Niobe Way and Diane L. Hughes
Brooklyn College, CUNY
New York University
Using longitudinal data, the authors assessed 585 Dominican, Chinese, and African American adolescents (Grades 6–8, Mage at W1 = 11.83) to determine patterns over time of perceived ethnic-racial discrimination from adults and peers; if these patterns varied by gender, ethnicity, and immigrant status; and whether they are associated with psychological (self-esteem, depressive symptoms) and social (friend and teacher relationship quality, school belonging) adjustment. Two longitudinal patterns for adult discrimination and three longitudinal patterns for peer discrimination were identified using a semiparametric mixture model. These trajectories were distinct with regard to the initial level, shape, and changes in discrimination. Trajectories varied by gender and ethnicity and were significantly linked to psychological and social adjustment. Directions for future research and practice are discussed.
Ethnic-racial discrimination is a common experience for many ethnic minority youth (Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006; Hwang & Goto, 2008; Liang, Grossman, & Deguchi, 2007; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003) and is negatively associated with a range of outcomes, including psychological adjustment (e.g., Brittian, Toomey, Gonzales, & Dumka, 2013; Coker et al., 2009; Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; Sellers, Copeland-Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006). Emerging research also indicates that it may negatively impact social adjustment (e.g., Brittian et al., 2013; Liang et al., 2007; Niwa, Way, Qin-Hilliard, & Okazaki, 2011). Furthermore, the literature suggests that adolescents grow increasingly attuned to discrimination over time (e.g., Brown & Bigler, 2005; Romero & Roberts, 1998; Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers, & Jackson, 2008) and that source plays an important role in the influence of discrimination on adjustment (e.g., Benner & Graham, 2013; Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006). Few studies, however, have examined how discrimination may change over time, vary by source (i.e., peers, adults), and be associated with psychological and This research was supported by grants from the National Science Foundation, the W.T. Grant Foundation, and New York University. This manuscript is based on the doctoral dissertation of the first author, conducted under the supervision of the second and third authors at New York University. The lead author, Erika Y. Niwa, is now affiliated with the Department of Psychology at the City University of New York’s Brooklyn College. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Erika Y. Niwa, Department of Psychology, Brooklyn College, Brooklyn, NY 11210. Electronic mail may be sent to eyniwa@ brooklyn.cuny.edu.
social adjustment (e.g., Brittian et al., 2013; Greene et al., 2006; Hwang & Goto, 2008; Liang et al., 2007). The present study seeks distinct patterns over time of ethnic-racial discrimination among ethnically diverse adolescents, as well as their demographic correlates and associations with psychological and social adjustment. Ethnic-Racial Discrimination Adolescents perceive ethnic-racial discrimination —unfair and differential treatment based on ethnicity or race—on a regular basis (Wong et al., 2003) and across multiple contexts (Benner & Graham, 2013; Fisher et al., 2000; Simons et al., 2002; Szalacha et al., 2003). Ethnicity and race are separate but intertwined categories that often jointly impact discrimination (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Race is a superordinate phenotypic category, while ethnicity refers to cultural group membership (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Their overlap is critical, such that ethnicity is more salient if one is “visibly ethnic” (Waters, 1996) and many youth perceive their race and ethnicity as interchangeable, if not identical (Swanson et al., 2003). During adolescence, ethnic-racial discrimination can come from multiple sources, including peers and adults (Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006; © 2014 The Authors Child Development © 2014 Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2014/xxxx-xxxx DOI: 10.1111/cdev.12310
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Niwa et al., 2011; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). For example, African American and Latino adolescents report more adult discrimination, while Asian Americans report more peer discrimination (e.g., Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006). Patterns of discrimination may also vary by source. For example, peer discrimination remains stable while adult discrimination increases over time (Greene et al., 2006). Discrimination’s source may also be linked to different outcomes. In one study, discrimination from adults in school was linked to lower academic achievement, whereas peer discrimination was linked to lower psychological adjustment (Benner & Graham, 2013). Yet much extant research neglects source (e.g., Brittian et al., 2013; Coker et al., 2009) and more work is needed to examine how source differentially impacts adjustment (Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003). Discrimination also takes varying forms. These forms emerge from an extensive adult literature that differentiates between symbolic (subtle) and traditional (blatant) discrimination (e.g., Kinder & Sears, 1981; Sue et al., 2007). Research with adolescents also distinguishes between explicit and implicit discrimination (Fisher et al., 2000; Hwang & Goto, 2008; Liang et al., 2007; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Way, Mukherjee, Hughes, & Niwa, 2009). Much of the extant adolescent research, however, uses measures that address neither source nor form (e.g., Brittian et al., 2013) or focus on form while neglecting source (e.g., Coker et al., 2009). Research also indicates that forms of discrimination, particularly implicit discrimination, are often grounded in specific ethnic-racial stereotypes (e.g., Niwa et al., 2011; Way, Santos, Niwa, & Kim-Gervey, 2008). Explicit discrimination, on the other hand, takes similar forms across ethnic groups even if they are grounded in different stereotypes (Niwa, 2012). Thus, it is important that measures do not conflate or assume universality of forms. The current study focuses solely on explicit discrimination as it is likely to manifest similarly across ethnic groups. Change Over Time in Ethnic-Racial Discrimination Ethnic-racial discrimination is expected to increase during middle school when there is rapid physical, cognitive, and social-emotional development, as well as changes in relationships with peers and adults (Erikson, 1968; Roeser, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2000). Early adolescence is also marked by heightened awareness of ethnic-racial group membership, changing expectations from others, and increased ethnic segregation of peer groups (e.g.,
Roeser et al., 2000). Cognitive and identity development also make adolescents more likely to understand how stereotypes impact interactions, identify and perceive discrimination, and be exposed to racism and discrimination (e.g., Erikson, 1968; McKown & Strambler, 2009). Despite this, limited longitudinal research exists on discrimination during middle school (for an exception, see Wong et al., 2003). Extant research, which is mostly cross-sectional, suggests that discrimination increases with age (Coker et al., 2009; Romero & Roberts, 1998; Seaton et al., 2008; Szalacha et al., 2003), but other pathways may exist (Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006), challenging the notion of a common pattern and supporting exploration of varying trajectories. Social Position Variables Discrimination may vary by key social position variables (Garcıa Coll et al., 1996). Ethnicity Studies indicate ethnic differences in adolescents’ perceptions of ethnic-racial discrimination (e.g., Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). For example, Romero and Roberts (1998) found that African American adolescents perceive more discrimination than Mexican and Vietnamese American adolescents. Studies also indicate ethnic differences by source, with Asian American adolescents perceiving more discrimination from peers, while African American and Latino adolescents perceive more from adults (e.g., Fisher et al., 2000; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). This may be due to stereotypes of Asian Americans as passive and high achieving (Wong & Halgin, 2006) compared to stereotypes of African Americans as aggressive and low achieving (Noguera, 2003). Ethnicity also impacts discrimination trajectories. For example, African American youth report a steeper increase over time in peer and adult discrimination compared to their Puerto Rican peers (Greene et al., 2006). Other research indicates that African Americans and Puerto Ricans may experience low stable trajectories of peer discrimination since they are perceived as “cooler” than Asian Americans and immigrants (Way et al., 2008). Stereotypes of Asian Americans and immigrants as hardworking may protect them from adult discrimination, but make them increasingly vulnerable to peer discrimination (Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). Some studies have not found ethnic differences (Benner & Graham, 2013), while others focus on one ethnic group (e.g., Seaton
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make friends (Liang et al., 2007). Such findings emphasize the importance of exploring whether discrimination impacts the ability to form close friendships. Moreover, adult discrimination may impact close relationships since fractures in relationships with adults place youth at a higher risk for academic and socioemotional problems (e.g., Eccles et al., 1993; Roeser et al., 2000; Smetana, CampioneBarr, & Metzger, 2006). Adolescents who perceive adults and peers as discriminatory will likely feel less intimately connected to adults, best friends, and their school (e.g., Eccles et al., 1993; Roeser et al., 2000; Way, Reddy, & Rhodes, 2007), yet scholars have only begun to uncover discrimination’s social costs (e.g., Benner & Graham, 2013; Brittian et al., 2013; Niwa et al., 2011). The Present Study This study examines distinct patterns of ethnicracial discrimination from adults and peers during middle school among Dominican, Chinese, and African American adolescents. We also explore whether those patterns vary by social position variables (ethnicity, gender, immigrant status) and are associated with psychological and social adjustment. A person-oriented growth mixture model (e.g., Muthen & Muthen, 2001; Nagin, 2005) helps identify profiles of ethnic-racial discrimination over time. Person-oriented approaches assume heterogeneity in individuals’ intercepts, rates of change over time, and the direction and shape of such change (Nagin & Tremblay, 1999; Windle & Weisner, 2004). In comparison, variable-centered analyses (e.g., Willet & Sayer, 1994) estimate individual differences around a single growth curve, even if they are not assumed to have similar patterns over time (e.g., Windle & Weisner, 2004). In this case, a person-centered approach untangles intraindividual variability over time from interindividual variability in pathways of discrimination. Theory suggests that adolescents’ perceptions of discrimination may increase during middle school (Brown & Bigler, 2005), but empirical studies illustrate the existence of stable trajectories and low mean levels of discrimination (Greene et al., 2006). We expect at least two patterns of change, one that increases and another that remains low and stable (Brown & Bigler, 2005; Greene et al., 2006), as well as variations by ethnicity, gender, and immigrant status (e.g., Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Way et al., 2008). We expect Chinese Americans to be in high and/or increasing peer discrimination profiles compared to Dominican and African Americans.
Conversely, African Americans are expected to be in high and/or increasing adult discrimination profiles compared to Dominican and Chinese Americans. Boys are expected to be in high and/or increasing profiles from peers and adults. We do not have a hypothesis regarding immigrant status differences. Finally, we expect that membership in high and/or increasing profiles across source will be associated with lower psychosocial adjustment. Due to the critical role of peers during middle school, we expect that peer discrimination will be more detrimental to self-esteem and depressive symptoms, while adult discrimination may only impact self-esteem (Greene et al., 2006). Due to scant research, however, we do not hypothesize about social adjustment, but we do expect that source-specific discrimination will be associated with parallel relationship quality. For example, peer discrimination may be associated with decreased best friendship quality.
Method Participants The present sample consists of Dominican, Chinese, and African American middle school students in New York City (NYC) from a larger longitudinal study on the development of ethnically diverse adolescents, conducted by the Center for Research on Culture, Development, and Education at New York University. The present sample (N = 585) includes low-income Dominican (n = 156), Chinese (n = 205), and African American (n = 224) adolescents (boys = 49%). Dominican and Chinese Americans are predominantly foreign born (94% and 96%), while African Americans are predominantly U.S. born (63%). Adolescents attended NYC public middle schools and were an average of 11.83 years old (range = 10–14 years) in the spring of sixth grade. The larger longitudinal study included 1,034 Dominican, Puerto Rican, Mexican, White, African American, Chinese, and mixed-race adolescents in 6th to 8th grades, with a subsample followed in 9th and 11th grades. Adolescents were selected for the present study based on ethnicity and having at least one complete wave of discrimination data from 6th to 8th grades. The present study focused on three key ethnic groups: Dominican and Chinese Americans are the first and second largest sources of foreign-born New Yorkers and NYC has one of the highest urban populations of African Americans (Roberts, 2008).
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Niwa, Way, and Hughes
make friends (Liang et al., 2007). Such findings emphasize the importance of exploring whether discrimination impacts the ability to form close friendships. Moreover, adult discrimination may impact close relationships since fractures in relationships with adults place youth at a higher risk for academic and socioemotional problems (e.g., Eccles et al., 1993; Roeser et al., 2000; Smetana, CampioneBarr, & Metzger, 2006). Adolescents who perceive adults and peers as discriminatory will likely feel less intimately connected to adults, best friends, and their school (e.g., Eccles et al., 1993; Roeser et al., 2000; Way, Reddy, & Rhodes, 2007), yet scholars have only begun to uncover discrimination’s social costs (e.g., Benner & Graham, 2013; Brittian et al., 2013; Niwa et al., 2011). The Present Study This study examines distinct patterns of ethnicracial discrimination from adults and peers during middle school among Dominican, Chinese, and African American adolescents. We also explore whether those patterns vary by social position variables (ethnicity, gender, immigrant status) and are associated with psychological and social adjustment. A person-oriented growth mixture model (e.g., Muthen & Muthen, 2001; Nagin, 2005) helps identify profiles of ethnic-racial discrimination over time. Person-oriented approaches assume heterogeneity in individuals’ intercepts, rates of change over time, and the direction and shape of such change (Nagin & Tremblay, 1999; Windle & Weisner, 2004). In comparison, variable-centered analyses (e.g., Willet & Sayer, 1994) estimate individual differences around a single growth curve, even if they are not assumed to have similar patterns over time (e.g., Windle & Weisner, 2004). In this case, a person-centered approach untangles intraindividual variability over time from interindividual variability in pathways of discrimination. Theory suggests that adolescents’ perceptions of discrimination may increase during middle school (Brown & Bigler, 2005), but empirical studies illustrate the existence of stable trajectories and low mean levels of discrimination (Greene et al., 2006). We expect at least two patterns of change, one that increases and another that remains low and stable (Brown & Bigler, 2005; Greene et al., 2006), as well as variations by ethnicity, gender, and immigrant status (e.g., Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Way et al., 2008). We expect Chinese Americans to be in high and/or increasing peer discrimination profiles compared to Dominican and African Americans.
Conversely, African Americans are expected to be in high and/or increasing adult discrimination profiles compared to Dominican and Chinese Americans. Boys are expected to be in high and/or increasing profiles from peers and adults. We do not have a hypothesis regarding immigrant status differences. Finally, we expect that membership in high and/or increasing profiles across source will be associated with lower psychosocial adjustment. Due to the critical role of peers during middle school, we expect that peer discrimination will be more detrimental to self-esteem and depressive symptoms, while adult discrimination may only impact self-esteem (Greene et al., 2006). Due to scant research, however, we do not hypothesize about social adjustment, but we do expect that source-specific discrimination will be associated with parallel relationship quality. For example, peer discrimination may be associated with decreased best friendship quality.
Method Participants The present sample consists of Dominican, Chinese, and African American middle school students in New York City (NYC) from a larger longitudinal study on the development of ethnically diverse adolescents, conducted by the Center for Research on Culture, Development, and Education at New York University. The present sample (N = 585) includes low-income Dominican (n = 156), Chinese (n = 205), and African American (n = 224) adolescents (boys = 49%). Dominican and Chinese Americans are predominantly foreign born (94% and 96%), while African Americans are predominantly U.S. born (63%). Adolescents attended NYC public middle schools and were an average of 11.83 years old (range = 10–14 years) in the spring of sixth grade. The larger longitudinal study included 1,034 Dominican, Puerto Rican, Mexican, White, African American, Chinese, and mixed-race adolescents in 6th to 8th grades, with a subsample followed in 9th and 11th grades. Adolescents were selected for the present study based on ethnicity and having at least one complete wave of discrimination data from 6th to 8th grades. The present study focused on three key ethnic groups: Dominican and Chinese Americans are the first and second largest sources of foreign-born New Yorkers and NYC has one of the highest urban populations of African Americans (Roberts, 2008).
Ethnic-Racial Discrimination
Procedures and Design Participants were recruited from six NYC public middle schools in which at least three of the target ethnic-racial groups for the larger study constituted at least 20% of the student population. Schools this diverse were rare, and only four of the six schools in our sample met this criterion. All schools had Black, White, and Latino representation and three of the schools had Chinese students. Schools were included if aggregate scores on a citywide reading and math achievement test were between the 25th and 75th percentiles in order to reduce the likelihood that race/ethnicity and achievement would be confounded. Finally, we sought high-achieving schools or programs with adequate representation of Latino and Black students. Students were informed about the study and letters with parental consent were sent home to all students, excluding self-contained and English language learning (ELL) classrooms. Research assistants distributed and collected forms until a majority were returned. Positive incentives and a small monetary incentive were provided. Seventy-seven percent of recruited adolescents returned parental consent forms and 78% of those had parental consent. Surveys were administered in the spring of sixth, seventh, and eighth grades beginning in 2004 during two class periods deemed appropriate by the school. Sixth graders answered survey questions while they were read aloud, while seventh and eighth graders completed the surveys alone. A total of 1,034 adolescents participated in at least one wave of data collection. To ensure that all students were able to participate and increase sample variability and diversity, students were also allowed to join in seventh or eighth grade. In the full sample, 73% were recruited in sixth grade, 16% in seventh grade, and 11% in eighth grade. Eighty percent of students recruited in sixth or seventh grade participated in follow-up waves. Measures Measures included demographics (age, gender, ethnicity, immigrant status), perceived ethnic-racial discrimination by adults and peers, self-esteem, depressive symptoms, best friend relationship quality, teacher–student relationship quality, and school belonging. To ensure that form and source are not conflated, this study focuses solely on explicit ethnicracial discrimination between adults and peers. Perceived explicit ethnic-racial discrimination by
5
peers was measured using the mean of an 8-item subscale from a larger 21-item measure (Way, 1997; Williams, Yu, Jackson, & Anderson, 1997). Participants responded on a 5-point scale ranging from 0 (never) to 4 (all the time) about experiences of explicit race or ethnicity-based discrimination by peers (e.g., “How often are you called names by peers because of your race or ethnicity?”). Studies have illustrated its reliability with Black, Latino, and Asian American adolescents (Greene et al., 2006). The explicit discrimination (physical/verbal harassment) subscale is reliable across all three waves (a = .94–.95). Perceived explicit ethnic-racial discrimination by adults outside of school was assessed using the explicit discrimination dimension of a parallel version of the measure (Way, 1997; as = .91–.99). We focused on adult discrimination outside of school because while youth reported similar levels of adult discrimination in and out of school, qualitative findings from our study indicate that the majority of adolescents described explicit adult discrimination outside of the school context (Niwa, 2012). Self-esteem was assessed with the mean of the 10-item Rosenberg Self-Esteem scale (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965). Students indicate agreement with each statement on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree). The RSE has been used with ethnically diverse adolescents, and has well-established reliability and validity (Buhrmester, 1990; Rosenberg, 1965; Way & Robinson, 2003). It is reliable across all three waves (as = .85–.89). Depressive symptomatology was assessed with a mean of the 10-item subscale of Buhrmester’s (1990) measure of socioemotional adjustment, with items from the Children’s Depression Inventory (Sitarenios & Kovacs, 1999) that indicate frequency of depressive symptoms on a 3-point scale from 0 (never) to 2 (all the time). It has been used with adolescents (Buhrmester, 1990; Way & Robinson, 2003) and has good reliability (as = .83–.86). The Network of Relationships Inventory (NRI) assessed adolescents’ perceptions of support from their closest same-sex friends (Furman & Buhrmester, 1985) on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (little or none) to 5 (the most). We use the mean of the positive dimension of the NRI (intimacy, affection, satisfaction, and companionship) and had good reliability across all waves (as = .92–.94). Teacher– student relationship quality was assessed with the mean of the 7-item Teacher Support subscale of a 25-item school climate measure (Brand, Felner, Shim, Seitsinger, & Dumas, 2003; Haynes, Emmons,
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& Comer, 1993) that focuses on teacher support, motivation, and respect (Brand et al., 2003; Haynes et al., 1993). Items use a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 4 (always). The larger school climate measures have good reliability and validity (Brand et al., 2003; Way & Robinson, 2003). This subscale had acceptable reliability across all three waves (as = .80–.87). School belonging was assessed with a mean of the 10-item shortened version of the Psychological Sense of School Membership scale (Goodenow, 1992). Adolescents rated items on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (not at all true) to 4 (completely true). This modified scale has been used with ethnically diverse adolescents (Washburn, 2008) and had good reliability at all waves (as = .89–.91). Analyses A semiparametric group-mixture model was used to identify and validate distinct patterns of ethnicracial discrimination from adults and peers during middle school using SAS Proc Traj (Nagin, 2005; Nagin & Tremblay, 1999). Modeling procedures involve estimating individual growth curves, and then identifying prototypic group curves based on the individual trajectories estimated for each population member. The degree to which each individual’s growth curve resembles each of the prototypic group curves is estimated by posterior probabilities (ranging from 0 to 1); individuals are classified into the trajectory group for which they have the highest probability of membership. Model outputs include the shape of each trajectory (patterns of stability and change), the estimated proportion of the population in each trajectory, and the probability that each individual belongs to each group. Model selection involved estimating a series of models with varying trajectory groups. Decisions about the optimal number of groups and their shape were guided by the Bayesian information criterion (BIC); solutions across multiple models were examined and the model with the highest BIC was selected. If a group did not reach significance on a higher order term (quadratic), specifications were changed to a lower order term (linear, constant) until parameter estimates were significant. Youth were subsequently assigned trajectory group membership. Binomial and multinomial logistic regression models were then used to examine if social position variables predicted profile membership. All demographic variables were dummy-coded and entered simultaneously. Hierarchical linear regressions examining the psychological and social correlates of
profile membership were conducted on multiple imputed data sets and data were pooled (Gelman & Hill, 2007; Little & Rubin, 1989; Schafer, 1999).
Results Preliminary Analyses Means and standard deviations for all variables are presented in Table 1. On average, adolescents perceived low levels of adult and peer discrimination across all three grades. They showed high mean levels of self-esteem and low mean levels of depressive symptoms in sixth and eighth grades. In addition, adolescents showed moderately high levels of best friendship quality and moderate levels of teacher–student relationship quality and school belonging in sixth and eighth grades. Treatment of Missing Data Model parameters for our group-mixture model were estimated using full information maximum Table 1 Variable Means and Standard Deviations
Explicit peer discrimination (0 = never to 4 = all the time) Explicit adult discrimination (0 = never to 4 = all the time) Self-esteem (1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree) Depressive symptoms (0 = none to 2 = all the time) Best friend relationship quality (NRI) (1 = none to 5 = most) Teacher–student relationship quality (1 = never to 4 = always) School belonging (1 = not at all true to 4 = completely true)
Sixth grade (n = 395) M (SD)
Seventh grade (n = 383) M (SD)
Eighth grade (n = 438) M (SD)
0.51 (0.84)
0.52 (0.73)
0.49 (0.71)
0.46 (0.67)
0.51 (0.73)
0.53 (0.71)
3.16 (0.60)
—
3.09 (0.65)
0.26 (0.32)
—
0.29 (0.35)
3.60 (0.95)
—
3.50 (1.13)
3.03 (0.59)
—
2.82 (0.68)
2.72 (0.63)
—
2.68 (0.67)
Note. NRI = Network of Relationships Inventory.
Ethnic-Racial Discrimination
likelihood, which permits for missing values (Nagin, 2005) and accurately estimates individuals’ trajectories with one or more data points (Dodge, Shen, & Ganguli, 2008; Nagin, 2005). Full information maximum likelihood is recognized as an appropriate, unbiased, and efficient method of estimating missing longitudinal data (Allison, 2001; Little & Rubin, 1989). Two thirds of the sample had at least two time points. There were no significant differences based on number of time points in demographic characteristics (ethnicity, gender), mean levels of peer and adult ethnic-racial discrimination at any wave, or psychosocial adjustment at Waves 1 or 3 with a few exceptions. Youth with three time points were more likely to be foreign born (p < .05) and youth with one time point had significantly lower best friend relationship quality (p < .05) and school belonging (p < .01) than youth with three time points. Missing outcome values were imputed using multiple imputation (MI, version 0.09-14 in R; Su, Gelman, Hill, & Yajima, 2011), which introduces appropriate random error, approximates unbiased parameter estimates, and offers better standard error estimates than single imputation (Allison, 2001; Little & Rubin, 1989; Schafer, 1999). Our MI model included demographic characteristics and all items for sixth- and eighth-grade measures of adjustment. Variation and Demographic Correlates of Ethnic-Racial Discrimination by Adults Using the above criterion, a two-group model was selected for adult discrimination (BIC = 1,344.30). Parameter and group membership estimates for trajectories in the final models were all significant at the p < .05 level. As noted, posterior probability estimates provide an additional indicator of how well individuals’ growth curves resemble each of the identified trajectories. The mean posterior probability scores for each of the groups were: M = 0.81 for Group 1 (low-stable) and M = 0.81 for Group 2 (moderate-stable). The best fitting model for adult discrimination specified two clusters: a low-stable group who did not perceive adult discrimination over time (58.5%) and a moderate-stable group who experienced moderate and stable perceptions of adult discrimination over time (moderate-stable = 41.5%; see Figure 1). Analyses revealed significant differences in the intercepts of these two groups, v2(1) = 283.55, p < .001, with youth in the moderate-stable group perceiving significantly higher levels of adult discrimination. Gender distinguished between adoles-
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Figure 1. Trajectory profiles for ethnic-racial discrimination from adults.
cents in the low and moderate profiles, v2(4, N = 585) = 22.50, p < .001 (see Table 2), with boys being 1.6 times more likely than girls to be in the moderate-stable profile. Variation and Demographic Correlates of Ethnic-Racial Discrimination by Peers A three-group model was selected for peer discrimination (BIC = 1,397.33). The three-group solution was selected based on the BIC and because it yielded an additional trajectory group of theoretical interest: adolescents who are not at a high risk for peer discrimination, but are more vulnerable than adolescents who experience no peer discrimination. Parameter and group membership estimates for trajectories in the final models were all significant (p < .05). Mean posterior probability scores for each profile was: M = 0.73 for Group 1 (low-decreasing), M = 0.77 for Group 2 (moderatedecreasing), and M = 0.82 for Group 3 (highdecreasing). The best fitting model for peer discrimination specified three linear, decreasing groups. The first cluster represented adolescents who perceived little to no discrimination from peers during middle school (low-decreasing = 41.4%). The remaining clusters represented adolescents who experienced moderate- (5%) and high-decreasing (53.7%) levels of peer discrimination during middle school (see Figure 2). Analyses revealed that the intercepts between all three groups were significantly different: Groups 1 and 2, v2(1) = 3.76, p ≤ .05; Groups 1 and 3, v2(1) = 7.60, p < .01; and Groups 2 and 3, v2(1) = 27.92, p < .001. Further analyses revealed that the slope of the moderate-decreasing group was significantly different from Groups 1 and 3, v2(1) = 7.88, p < .01 and v2(1) = 18.24, p < .001, respectively. Specifically, the moderate-decreasing group’s slope was less steep than the high-decreasing
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Table 2 Demographic Correlates of Trajectory Profiles by Source Adults Predictors Dominican Chinese Immigrant status Gender
b 0.47 0.42 0.13 0.46**
Wald
Exp(b)
3.10 2.73 0.28 6.87
0.62 1.52 0.88 1.58
Peers (moderate vs. low) 95% CI [0.37, [0.93, [0.53, [1.12,
1.06] 2.49] 1.44] 2.24]
b 1.17 0.45 1.18 1.08*
Wald
Exp(b)
3.23 0.70 2.60 6.27
0.31 1.57 3.24 2.95
Peers (high vs. low)
95% CI [0.09, [0.54, [0.77, [1.27,
1.11] 4.54] 13.50] 6.87]
b 0.78** 0.49* 0.27 0.30
Wald
Exp(b)
8.42 3.38 1.11 2.79
0.46 1.63 0.76 1.36
95% CI [0.27, [0.97, [0.46, [0.95,
0.78] 2.73] 1.26] 1.94]
Note. Adults = explicit discrimination from adults; Peers (moderate vs. low) = explicit discrimination from peers comparing the moderate-decreasing and low-decreasing profiles; Peers (high vs. low) = explicit discrimination from peers comparing the high-decreasing and low-decreasing profiles. Reference groups: African American, Native Born, Female. *p < .05. **p < .01.
and unstandardized beta coefficients are averages across the imputed data sets. Self-Esteem
Figure 2. Trajectory profiles for ethnic-racial discrimination from peers.
group, but more steep than the low-decreasing group. Demographic variables reliably distinguished between adolescents in the low-decreasing cluster compared to those in the moderate- and high-decreasing clusters, v2(8, N = 585) = 49.03, p < .001 (see Table 2). Boys were almost 3 times more likely to be in the moderate-decreasing cluster. Chinese Americans were 1.6 times more likely and Dominican Americans were almost half as likely than African Americans to be in the highdecreasing cluster. Linking Trajectories of Discrimination to Psychological and Social Adjustment Hierarchical linear regression analyses were conducted to predict psychological and social adjustment in eighth grade from cluster membership after controlling for demographics and sixth-grade adjustment. The first block of each model included demographic variables and sixth-grade adjustment. The second block included profile membership. Models were run separately for peer and adult discrimination. Reference groups are African American, native born, and females. All R2, F statistics,
Demographic variables significantly accounted for self-esteem in eighth grade, R2 = 0.25, F(5, 552) = 37.04, p < .001. Chinese Americans were more likely to have lower self-esteem than African Americans (b = .46, p < .001). Immigrant status and gender were not significant. In the second block, adult discrimination cluster membership accounted for a significant portion of the variance in self-esteem after controlling for demographics, ΔR2 = 0.03, F(1, 551) = 21.25, p < .001. In this model, Chinese Americans continued to report lower self-esteem than African Americans (b = .45, p < .001). Adolescents in the moderate-stable adult discrimination cluster were more likely to have lower self-esteem than those who experienced no adult discrimination (b = .19, p < .001). Peer discrimination cluster membership also accounted for a significant portion of the variance in self-esteem after controlling for demographics, ΔR2 = 0.02, F(2, 550) = 7.96, p < .001. In this model, Chinese Americans continued to report lower self-esteem than African Americans (b = .45, p < .001). Adolescents in the moderateand high-decreasing peer discrimination clusters were more likely to have lower self-esteem than those who experienced no peer discrimination (b = .28, p
