Transforming Schools Through Minority Males' Participation: Overcoming Cultural Stereotypes and Preventing Violence.

515949 research-article2014

JIVXXX10.1177/0886260513515949Journal of Interpersonal ViolenceGómez et al.

Article

Transforming Schools Through Minority Males’ Participation: Overcoming Cultural Stereotypes and Preventing Violence

Journal of Interpersonal Violence 2014, Vol. 29(11) 2002–2020 © The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0886260513515949 jiv.sagepub.com

Aitor Gómez,1 Ariadna Munte,2 and Teresa Sorde3

Abstract Violent and racist behaviors are transforming schools into highly controversial sites. A key factor in this phenomenon, though not the only one, is the continued dominance of hegemonic masculinity. While researchers have considered a myriad of strategies to prevent violence, including community involvement, few have focused on the value of having male community members engage in the schools, especially males from minority backgrounds. Drawing from two longitudinal case studies conducted in elementary schools, this article explores the effects of such participation. The authors report on two major benefits: a reduction in the prevalence of cultural stereotypes related to males, and the development of spaces where bullying and other violence can be prevented. Keywords bullying, community violence, cultural contexts 1University

Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona, Spain of Barcelona, Spain 3Authonomous University of Barcelona, Bellaterra, Spain 2University

Corresponding Author: Aitor Gómez, Faculty of Education, University Rovira i Virgili, Campus Sescelades, Tarragona 43007, Spain. Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from jiv.sagepub.com at HOWARD UNIV UNDERGRAD LIBRARY on March 6, 2015

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Around the world, increasingly frequent and diverse conflicts within schools are transforming them into sites of considerable controversy. Research indicates that peer-to-peer violence affects thousands of children and youth every year and can have devastating personal and social consequences (Skinner & Kowalski, 2013). And, as larger numbers of people migrate around the world, new forms of violence directed toward students from different ethnic and cultural groups are emerging in schools (Peguero, 2011). Racist attitudes are directed not only at other students but also at their family members, deeply affecting the school climate. Multiple researchers have noted the various factors that lead to particular types of violence, including bullying; among these factors, hegemonic masculinity plays a key but not exclusive role. Extensive research has focused on a myriad of preventive strategies, community involvement being one (Iturbe, 2007; Valls & Kyriakides, 2013). Community involvement, however, is often seen as something that women do, leaving out the men and their potential to contribute. Very little research has focused on men participating in their local schools. Traditionally, studies have focused more generally on the effects of parental absence or the father’s lack of involvement, without looking at the participation of fathers or other males at the school. Thus, little is known about the potential of male participation in schools to prevent violent behaviors, especially when those men are of minority backgrounds. Because the involvement of minority males remains an underresearched topic, in this article we address the following overarching question: How does the participation of minority males in elementary schools help to reduce violent behaviors? In particular, we aim to shed light on the underexamined effects of having males of Arab-Muslim and Roma backgrounds participate in their local schools. We have found that this participation helps to promote diverse models of masculinity, beyond the hegemonic one, and we report on two main benefits: cultural stereotypes related to males are reduced and the creation of spaces that help to prevent bullying and other violence. The results we present here draw on data obtained through two longitudinal case studies conducted in elementary schools under the EU-funded large-scale research project INCLUD-ED (European Commission, 2006-2011). Both case studies were conducted in schools where the children were predominantly from Roma and Arab-Muslim backgrounds.

Violent Behavior in School European primary schools are witnessing a growing range of violent behaviors. According to Currie et al. (2012), an average 13% of the 11-year-old students reported being bullied in the past couple of months. This figure was similar to


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Journal of Interpersonal Violence 29(11)

those in other national contexts; it rises when students are asked if they have ever been bullied in school. In Spain, a survey showed that 75% of 12-year-olds had witnessed school-based violence; also, 44% of the victims had been aggressors and 83.6% of the aggressors had been victims at some point (Serrano & Iborra, 2005). A more recent survey in Spain found that one out of four students were currently experiencing some type of school-based harassment or violence; those at the elementary level suffered the most (Piñuel & Oñate, 2007).

The Influence of Masculinity on Violent Behaviors A wide range of factors have been identified that could explain the increase in school-based violence. Among them, a significant body of theoretical work points to the connections between violence and hegemonic masculinity, a concept that Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) defined as a tendency for males to dominate other males and subordinate females (Kersten, 1996; Messerschmidt, 1993; Ullah & Ali, 2012). Similarly, Goodey (1997) emphasized a hierarchy of oppression: Those who are Western, White, middle-class, heterosexual, and in their 30s are placed at the top, and those who do not fit into the model are looked down upon and even despised. When Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) reexamined the concept of hegemonic masculinity, they identified a range of masculinities, occupying different places in a hierarchy. More recently, Connell (2012) stated that hegemonic masculinity is displayed through diverse types of masculinities, not all of them linked to violence. Researchers have further explored this concept of a diversity of masculinities, defining three specific types: dominant traditional masculinities, oppressed traditional masculinities, and new alternative masculinities (Flecha, Puigvert, & Ríos, 2013). Masculine identity is created and negotiated in the schools where these different types of masculinities coexist. Researchers have found that schools become institutions where hegemonic masculinity and some of its violent variations are promoted (Donaldson & Poyting, 2005; Mac an Ghaill, 2003; Philipps, 2007). In particular, they have focused on the ways that schools reproduce gender inequalities, homophobia, and gender-based violence; they also look at the roles teachers can play in preventing or addressing these attitudes (Donaldson & Poyting, 2005; Kimmel & Mahler, 2003; Lee, 2011; Mac an Ghaill, 2003). In general, these researchers agree that children and adolescents who do not follow the model of hegemonic masculinity are more often the victims (Donaldson & Poyting, 2005; Gini & Pozzoli, 2006; Klein, 2006; Renold, 2001). According to Renold (2001), children who are “studious” and act differently are distanced from the others; then other children may ridicule, insult, and even physically abuse them.


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Race-Based Violent Behaviors Researchers have also found that racist violence in schools is closely connected to bullying and hard to differentiate from it. Race-based violence can range from name-calling to serious physical attacks. Analyses aiming to link adolescent masculinity, homophobia, and violence have found how race and ethnicity matter for African American students (Kimmel & Mahler, 2003); when they do well in school, they are accused of acting “White” or like “girls.” In Spain, two groups that are persistently targeted are the Roma and migrants, specifically those of Arab-Muslim descent. Romani and ArabMuslim immigrant children are often associated with violence, lack of academic achievement, poor hygiene, inability to socialize, and little motivation to gain an education. Commentators on Roma culture often emphasize that Romani children find it very difficult to yield to the authority of a female teacher, because of the chauvinist pattern typical of their culture. Thus, stereotypes affect not only the students but also their families and communities, as Romani and Arab-Muslim fathers are labeled as being chauvinist and as maintaining too much control over their wives who must remain at home, in the private sphere, with no chance of a satisfying social life (Macías & Redondo, 2012). These stereotypes are a determining factor in relationships between teachers and families and among students from different backgrounds; they can lead to violent confrontations and must be addressed (Kane, 2008).

Preventing Violent and Racist Behavior In recent years, the phenomenon of violence and bullying in schools has emerged as a key concern among both social science researchers and policy makers. Researchers have emphasized the importance of using a wholeschool approach to target the wider community in anti-bullying programs across the world (Ttoti & Farrington, 2008), and Pollastri, Cardemil, and O’Donnell (2010) argued for research-based inclusive environments that are more effective in reducing bullying. The few analyses of existing programs indicate the need to focus on what happens inside schools, and the circumstances under which adults take various actions to prevent bullying (Meraviglia, Becker, Rosenbluth, Sanchez, & Robertson, 2003). Along these lines, Spriggs, Iannotti, Nansel, and Haynie (2007) pointed out that most current programs to prevent bullying neglect important contexts, especially the family. Given these findings, it is particularly relevant to consider family interactions in bullying prevention efforts; one study, by Oliver, de Botton, Soler, and Merril (2011), described educational programs that are improving


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school climates and preventing violence by involving migrant students, parents, and community members at the schools. More concretely, Iturbe (2007) found that opening the school’s doors to the community, if done correctly, promotes a wider diversity of interactions and helps to reduce both violent behaviors and the prevalence of stereotypes about males. Little research has focused on fathers’ participation in schools, especially in elementary schools. However, some studies have explored how fathers’ participation can prevent bullying behavior among youth (Flouri & Buchanan, 2003). For instance, Christie-Mizell, Keil, Laske, and Stewart (2011) pointed out the robust correlation between adolescent violence and fathers who must work long hours and thus cannot spend much time with their children. Most research on fathers focuses on involvement in the home or family context, and less has looked at educational activities at schools. Thus, research specifically targeting minority parent participation has been mainly related to instrumental learning and homework (Ceballo, 2004; Jeynes, 2003). Given that particular types of violence are rooted in the prevalence of hegemonic masculinity at the school, we believe it is valuable to explore how the participation of minority males in schools might prevent violent behaviors. This article begins to fill this gap in the research by analyzing how schools are successfully reducing their level of violence by engaging these men in multiple ways.

Method The research we report here, which consists of two longitudinal case studies, was conducted using the Communicative Methodology (Puigvert, Christou, & Holford, 2012), in two schools in Spain, called La Paz and Montserrat. They were part of a larger project which identified successful actions that promote social cohesion. In this article, we draw from the data collected in these schools, to address the following research question: Research Question 1: How does the participation of minority males in elementary schools help to reduce violent behaviors?

Data Collection In each case study, qualitative fieldwork was carried out in two rounds between February 2010 and May 2011; it consisted of open-ended interviews, communicative daily life stories, and communicative observations. First, five open-ended interviews were conducted with White female teachers: Julia at Montserrat School, and Rocío, María, and Carmen at La Paz School, along with one head teacher, Lucía, at Montserrat. Six communicative daily life


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stories and two communicative observations were conducted at each school. These non-traditional and interactive techniques aim to develop reflection and consensus, creating a common understanding between the researcher and the participants (Valls & Padrós, 2011). At Montserrat, communicative daily life stories were conducted with two Moroccan fathers, Hassan and Abdel, and with Abdul, a 9-year-old Moroccan boy. At La Paz, these stories were conducted with two Roma fathers, Alejandro and Manuel, who are both actively engaged in the school, and with one community activist: Luis, a Roma pastor very involved with the neighborhood and the school. In addition, the research team conducted several communicative observations, gathering meetings where minority males were deeply engaged. Data were mainly collected at the schools, after agreements were developed with the principals, teachers, and families.

Data Analysis We coded and analyzed the data using two dimensions: exclusionary and transformative. The exclusionary dimension refers to those obstacles and elements that contribute to violent behavior continuing in schools, and the transformative one includes elements and approaches that help prevent it. In this article, we present only data that we deemed to be transformative. We followed several ethical guidelines. First, like all projects funded by the European Commission, ours had to meet the commission’s ethical guidelines for research, in a series of reviews. Moreover, we were careful to protect participants, by rigorously explaining the research to them, gaining their informed consent, and guaranteeing their confidentiality. All individuals’ names used here are pseudonyms.

Research Setting The schools were selected using three criteria. They had to be succeeding educationally, with their students’ academic outcomes exceeding those at other schools in similar socio-cultural and socioeconomic contexts. Their students had to be mostly of low socioeconomic status and minority background, and with strong community involvement. We now provide brief contextual information on each school.

Montserrat School This school is located at the outskirts of Terrassa, in northeastern Spain. People living in the neighborhood have low educational levels and few


2008


qualifications for employment. Among the parents of children in the school, 32.4% have a basic level of education, and 10.8% said they had not completed any level of education (European Commission, 2006-2011). Consequently, they take on jobs that require no qualifications, such as caring for elderly people or cleaning houses. In particular, the majority of ArabMuslim fathers in this school had been working in the building sector, which has been deeply impacted by the economic crisis. As a consequence, in January 2013 they were facing an unemployment rate of 100%. In academic year 2000-2001, 12% of the students there were immigrants; in 2009-2010, the figure became 64%. That year the school’s ethnic composition was as follows: 61.2% of students were of Moroccan origin, 11.4% from South America, 4.4% from Black African origin, and 14.4% of Roma descent. Before the school opened its doors to the community, there were many conflicts, mainly between children of Roma and Moroccan backgrounds. These frequent conflicts also kept the families from developing good relationships with the school. School data show, however, that the numbers of conflicts dropped once the community became more involved.

La Paz School This school is located in the La Milagrosa neighborhood, at the outskirts of Albacete, in southeastern Spain. Only 8% of adults in the neighborhood have more than primary education; few have completed basic education and many are illiterate (EAPN, 2010). The unemployment rate is over 40%, and 55% of people were on welfare during the time of the study. Moreover, many adults have problems associated with drug addiction and the justice system, making them even more vulnerable. In 2007, 41% of the total crimes in the city took place in this neighborhood. The situation within the school had become hopeless: Students were failing, drop-out rates were around 40%, and conflicts between students and between teachers and families were common and led to physical attacks on teachers. In 2006, the media reported on the confrontations between families and teachers, who were requesting police protection in the classroom. At the time of writing this article, the situation has substantially improved at all the mentioned levels.

Results Overcoming Male-Related Stereotypes In both schools, efforts were made to bring Roma and Arab-Muslim family members into the school to work with the children in multiple ways; this


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approach generated many new kinds of interactions between people of different cultures, genders, and generations. As they entered the classrooms and collaborated in learning activities, adults from different cultural backgrounds engaged in dialogue, encouraging positive patterns of behavior based on mutual respect and mutual knowledge. Students’ and teachers’ perceptions changed. The more family members participated in various ways, prejudices and stereotypes that others held about their cultures were transformed. During one assembly at Montserrat school, the school held a debate about the possibility of offering family education, particularly addressed to women; this assembly constituted one of the study’s communicative observations. Fatima, an Arab mother involved in the school, described one of her dreams: “to learn Spanish and Catalan in order to find a job.” Another member of the community argued that it was not that important for Arab women to participate in any kind of training: “after all,” he said, “they are staying in the home.” Younes, Fatima’s neighbor and a father involved in the school, replied that it was very positive for women like Fatima to learn Spanish and Catalan. The assembly agreed on the need to offer literacy courses for Arab women, with many men like Younes helping drive the decision. At the school, the teachers, staff, and various family members continued to discuss this conversation; they recognized that Younes’ point forced them to change their perceptions about gender relations within the Arab-Muslim community. This is only one of many examples in which interactions between community members led to reverse cultural stereotypes. When the Catalan class began, many mothers saw it as their first chance to do something outside the home and independent from their families. For those who did not know the country’s language and also knew few other people in the community, this class was an enlightening experience: They saw that opportunities were available for them. The first class started during school hours, so the women could attend the school while their children were in the class. Hassan’s wife Nora could not take the daytime class because they have younger children, not yet in school, and no extended family to rely on. In the daytime, Nora took care of the household while Hassan worked in construction. Therefore, Hassan said, Nora enrolled in the evening class, but they had to find a way to care for the children. In telling his daily life story, Hassan realized how important it was for Nora to attend the class and continue learning. Therefore, he decided to take care of the children in the school playground while Nora was in the evening class. Some people in the community could see clearly how this made it possible for her to attend class and not worry about their children, but others


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commented that Hassan was there just to control her. In time, the others in the class, and the volunteer teacher, came to understand the real reason why Hassan was waiting outside (caring for the children), and were able to move forward from their original chauvinist interpretation. In the Montserrat school, Arab-Muslim fathers became involved at the school not only to support their wives’ participation in educational activities but also to further their own education. Julia, a teacher, explained how this process began. Some fathers enrolled in training courses that fit their timetables, especially computer courses. Having participated at the school as much as their work schedules allowed, they decided to create dialogic literary gatherings in which they read classical works, including Kafka’s Metamorphosis. Julia described how these fathers then started to be involved in other areas of the school. For instance, when Abdel lost his job as a builder, despite the devastating consequences for his family, he saw it as an opportunity to get more involved in the school, which he could not do earlier. Julia reflected on the impact of Abdel’s participation: Abdel was not an isolated case, . . . many fathers found themselves in a similar situation because of the crisis. They started to get more involved in the school with the aim of supporting their children’s learning. For instance, these fathers started to attend school meetings and to participate in the decision-making processes, as well as to get involved in learning activities. Many of us on the teaching staff were positively surprised; this helped us crack open the images we used to have of them: that they were just ignoring their children’s education or were reluctant to support their daughters’ education, and so on.

As Julia argues, the fathers’ engagement participation in the school led others at the school to see them differently, creating an atmosphere that has less tolerance, and time, for racist or sexist comments. The case study at La Paz provided similar evidence about the Roma population there. As Romani males became involved in the school, teachers and other parents let go of some of their stereotypical images of them, and even the students changed their views. One key stereotype about Roma fathers is that they do not take care of their children, that the women do all the child care. When Roma fathers and other community members started to participate in the classroom and in school activities, the whole community was able to see firsthand the ways that these males relate to their children. Rocío, a White teacher in Albacete, reflected on how this exposure helped her to reframe her beliefs about Roma families. In particular, she recognized to be initially shocked to see fathers taking care of their children, just as the mothers do:


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. . . you find Romani men giving their babies the bottle . . . They’re doing it at the school in order to make it to the meetings and people see them and discuss it and it changes, it breaks stereotypes.

The involvement of Roma males at this school also upended another generalized belief that fathers do not want their daughters to go to high school. Drop-out rates during the transition from elementary to secondary school are higher for Roma students than for non-Roma, and these rates are even higher for Romani girls. Once Roma fathers began to participate in their children’s education, this situation changed. During a school assembly, the entire community decided to implement secondary education in the same building that houses the elementary school. Roma fathers insisted that their 12-year-old daughters should not have to go into town—several miles from their neighborhood—to complete their compulsory education. The Roma men were clearly the ones pushing the educational administration to find a way to prevent the girls from dropping out. In the weeks that followed, several public representatives and teachers described their great surprise at this turn of events. Luis, a Romani pastor who is very involved in the school, played a key role in implementing this decision. He described how he went door to door to speak to each Romani family in the neighborhood to make sure that no girl stayed at home, so that all of them would benefit from this opportunity. Four years later, eight girls have graduated—the first in the school’s history to get a high school diploma—and the entire community is celebrating because, as Luis says, “this might not seem that important for non-Roma, but for us this is unbelievably important.”

Developing an Atmosphere That Will Not Tolerate Bullying The diverse groups of volunteers involved in both of these schools enrich the interactions taking place in and out of the classrooms. By involving minority fathers in other learning spaces, the schools can capitalize on their knowledge and values. At the same time, opening up the decision-making processes about school norms and rules to the community has facilitated a more diverse and inclusive approach, which in turn is creating a safer environment. At Montserrat, the Arab-Muslim fathers are encouraged to participate in agreeing on the norms for the school, an approach that leads to everyone watching out for the others. Maria, a tenth grade teacher there, explained how this works: They are taking part in everyday practices. From the very beginning, we saw that if we [teachers] and parents and students did not establish common norms


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and agreements, it could be a jungle. We sat and discussed, and decided coexistence norms in each class and for the school in general.

Following the same community-based approach, in which the families became involved in decision making, everyone at La Paz saw a clear improvement in the level of peaceful coexistence. Up to then, students were involved in verbal and physical aggression nearly every day. This naturally reduced their opportunities to learn in the classroom, and created a violent and unsafe atmosphere in the school. Carmen, one of the teachers, describes how they have improved coexistence: In the beginning there were very serious behavioral problems . . . [and] the coexistence committee, which is in charge of working on all these issues, . . . we called family members so that they could come and also collaborate, so they were aware of what has happened and could collaborate . . . [and] so that they can contribute . . .

A crucial element in this change was Roma fathers participating in the coexistence committee, helping to decide on the rules; their involvement helped to reduce conflicts and also made students feel more responsible about respecting and upholding the rules. The fathers’ participation in the committee extended to the classroom context, where they participate in students’ learning activities. Valls and Kyriakides (2013) described what happens when a diverse group of volunteers act as facilitators in interactive groups: small groups of students who are diverse in terms of gender, culture, and ability level. The diversity of the dialogic interactions helps all students learn more quickly and raises the level of cooperation. The diversity of the volunteers keeps the students from engaging in racist and bullying behaviors. Our research shows that when the volunteers are minority males, the effects of this form of classroom organization are even more pronounced. We asked Lucía, the head teacher at Montserrat, the reasons why the level of conflict inside the classroom had dropped. Her response confirms the value of working in such groups: Well it [the conflict level] falls the most when we are doing Interactive Groups. When more people are helping the children to learn, they are more attentive to learning and not so involved in other silly things like wasting time and annoying their classmates . . . In fact it is the opposite: the children are involved in the work and . . . they can talk to the volunteers to get them and teach them other things, about other lives, which they are probably not aware of, or they can share things . . .


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This idea is reinforced by Alejandro, a Roma father who volunteers in the classroom at La Paz. Alejandro has noticed that when fathers are in the classrooms and when the norms are agreed upon and continually discussed, children—even the most rebellious—focus on studying and stop engaging in their earlier disruptive behavior: Since their fathers are in [the classroom], they study more, they get more into their work, so the children who are around them, they see it as well, and they don’t . . . they are more reluctant to misbehave and then they lean more towards their studies rather than anything else.

Manuel’s narrative adds another layer to this discussion. The everyday life story he shared with us is an example of the personal and social transformation that is possible for adults who engage in the school. He moved from being in prison to participating as a volunteer in countless activities in school, transforming both himself and his relationship with his children. That was the beginning of a process of change which has led him to work in a local workers owned cooperative. Our case studies show that when relatives like Manuel and Alejandro participate in these spaces in the school, their interactions with the children generate new ways of relating to each other and help to create a violence-free environment. People around Manuel say that it is not despite his story but because of it that he has become a role model for the children, introducing a way of being male that is both non-violent and egalitarian. As we conducted daily life stories with the students, they also pointed out the positive effects of having male volunteers in school. Abdul, a 9-year-old Moroccan student, explained how several of his classmates had made a game of touching the girls’ backs. When the girls reported this, the teacher decided that everyone in the class could touch the boys’ backs. Abdul felt bad: He believed that touching behavior was not right. He said that if a Moroccan father had been in the playground or in the class, this situation would never have developed. He said that boys do not misbehave in front of their parents, and would never have played such a game. He suggested that having fathers as volunteers during the break times would be an effective way to prevent any type of violence at the school. Thus, having the Romani and Arab-Muslim participating at the school, along with other male volunteers, introduced meaningful relationships and opportunities to think about behavior and widened the range of interactions to which the students are exposed. This contributed to both boys and girls being socialized in spaces that are free of violence.


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Conclusion Racist and violent behaviors, far from being eradicated, are currently increasing in schools worldwide. Among the many factors that influence peer-to-peer violence, the literature points out the prevalence of hegemonic masculinity, along with racist attitudes in schools (Kersten, 1996; Messerschmidt, 1993). More recently, Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) reviewed the concept of hegemonic masculinity, identifying the existing diversity of models that fall into the same category. Thus, Connell’s (2012) account of the existence of masculinity models not linked to violence has served as a framework to the present article. The promotion and visibilization of them at schools open up new venues to dismantle the hegemony of violent masculinity models. In the particular case of schools, it has already been shown that schools have turned into spaces where hegemonic masculinity linked to violence has been very often promoted (Donaldson & Poyting, 2005; Philipps, 2007). However, researchers have also identified strategies to prevent such violence, for instance, through particular types of community involvement, which makes possible for parents to participate in the classroom and other learning spaces (Iturbe, 2007; Oliver et al., 2011). Among them, few have studied the potential impact of male family members, especially of minority background, participating in elementary schools to prevent violent behavior. The potential of promoting the participation of minority males at schools as a preventing measure is found to be an unexplored area in the specialized literature. This article is aimed at filling this gap by analyzing how the participation of minority males, particularly those of Roma and Arab-Muslim backgrounds, is helping to reduce such violent behaviors. Our research explores a new dimension that is added to the existing knowledge in the field. When schools open their doors to minority male participation, on one hand, our study shows that prevailing cultural stereotypes toward Roma and Muslim families tend to be dismantled. On the other, we also showed that when these men become involved in classrooms, and in other learning spaces such as the playground, they help to create a safer atmosphere where violent behaviors are neither accepted nor tolerated. As these fathers bring their cultural knowledge into the school, and are part of the decision-making processes, school norms are established as a result of dialogue among teachers, children, and parents. Because of this process, norms are more likely to be respected and promote better relationships between children and within the community. In the Spanish school context where none of the interviewed teachers are from minority backgrounds, the participation of minority males is found to be crucial. Particularly, the participation of Roma and Arab-Muslim males, who


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position themselves strongly against violence and racism, becomes decisive. Two major implications stem from this fact. First, these males become positive role models, acting to prevent violence from a diversity of cultural backgrounds. In taking this clearly anti-violence stance, not only in their discourse but also in their behavior, they are breaking the cultural stereotypes that affect the Roma and Arab-Muslim communities. Moreover, they are bringing into the schools a diversity of masculinities, while countering racist attitudes and violence. Thus, they have the potential to introduce a model of new alternative masculinities (Flecha et al., 2013). Second, their participation creates various bullying-free spaces in the schools, both inside and outside the classroom. Their participation complements the already existing disciplinary rules at the schools, bringing a new light to the schools’ struggle against racism and violence. If teachers and other school staff feel alone, our study indicates that there is still many unexplored possibilities in developing shared endeavors between schools and families to transform schools into spaces free of bullying and any other types of violence. At the case studies, minority male participation is framed under the implementation of successful educational actions (SEAs). The INCLUD-ED project identified, on the one hand the types of family participation that are associated with an improvement of the academic results and on the other hand the coexisting in schools, referring to the reduction of any type of conflict and/or violent behavior. The European consortium defined that the decisive and educational participation were the ones which brought more benefits in the two mentioned areas (Díez, Gatt, & Racionero, 2011). The lessons learned from these schools would help to extend the benefits of these men’s involvement to other educational centers. First, the fathers involved in our study had the opportunity to participate in a meaningful and relevant way at the school, not as a mere testimonial one. This refers to the fact that family members should be able to be active participants in the decisionmaking processes that affect key aspects of their children’s lives, including learning, curriculum, and evaluation or volunteering within the classroom in interactive groups. A second lesson learned is that the process of involving these fathers has not happened overnight, but after a profound process of transformation of the school organization and culture. In our study, it is observed in which ways fathers who were not only not participating but also relatively distant to the school, they start doing so, especially when they experienced firsthand that their presence was highly valued and useful for the school. These fathers who were considered to be on the margins of the school have become important pieces for the whole community, playing an important role inside and outside the classroom. The best marketing strategy to promote community


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involvement is a bottom-up participation, a real democratic and radical democracy at the school. A third lesson learned was the need to consider the fathers’ interests and motivations. This is particularly important in the case of family education, if the educational provision is designed top-down without stemming from the families’ needs and interests, family education program is damned to fail. The fact that schools are serving the families is perceived as a shift in the school–families relationship, generating new venues for minority fathers to get involved, while promoting relevant and meaningful participation. A fourth lesson learned refers to the fact that teachers and everybody at the school should recognize the capacity and abilities of all family members, including minority fathers to contribute to the students’ learning. In the case of Roma and Muslim immigrant fathers, this lesson involved to overcome historically rooted stereotypes that hinder these fathers’ potential to be fully enjoyed by the community. The key aspect here relies on the possibility to dream of a new school with counting with all these human resources, free of any type of violence or prejudice, and independent of the educational level of these fathers. They might not have an educational degree, but they bring into the classroom multiple benefits that cannot be ignored and that cannot be replaced by school professionals (even with all the educational credentials from the world). Finally, our study on minority male participation is aligned with the contemporary literature in Learning Sciences that have already shown the benefits of multiplying and diversifying the interactions the students are exposed to (García, 2012). In this sense, the participation of an increased number and diverse minority males is contributing to these manifold benefits, but adding a new light: their contribution to prevent racism and violent behaviors at the schools by means of exposing students to a diversity of masculine models. These lessons are not only drawn from our two case studies but also drawn from more than 120 schools in Spain and Brazil that have already been implementing the SEAs (Flecha & Soler, 2013). At these schools, the implementation of these actions has already enabled to increase the number of fathers from very diverse backgrounds who contribute to prevent bullying and racism, while progressively improving students’ outcomes. One of the main characteristics of the SEAs is their transferability to other contexts, which means a great future possibility to transform schools into real spaces to prevent bullying and racism. As in many cases, civil society is ahead of the policies that should be enhanced to promote family involvement in schools, but some advancement should be acknowledged here. The European Commission, following the work on SEAs developed through INCLUD-ED, approved a


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resolution in 2011 recommending the implementation of SEAs as a strategy to reduce school failure (Macías & Redondo, 2012).

Limitations and Future Directions In this study, we have begun to consider a crucial issue, but many questions remain. In particular, further deep analysis is needed on male minority participation in schools: What are the benefits for the men themselves and their families, and also for the schools and communities? That is, how can the involvement of non-violent men in schools help to promote non-hegemonic and non-violent masculinities among the students and in the school climate in general? Another relevant question is to deepen in the understanding of the diversity of models that are included in the non-hegemonic and non-violent categories, as well as those that are promoting best schools free of any type of violence. Finally, it is still urgent to study how boys in primary schools can construct their masculinity without relying on violence and racism, in which ways schools can do a better job in promoting a diversity of masculinity models. The answers to these crucial questions will help to reduce the devastating effects of these problems on far too many of our children and youth. Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The research leading to these results has received funding from European Community’s Sixth Framework Program (FP6/20062011) under grant agreement: 028603.

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Author Biographies Aitor Gómez, Professor of Research Methods at the University Rovira i Virgili. He is member of the research project PERARES. The Public Engagement with Research and Research Engagement with Society, funded by the European Framework Program of Research. He coordinated a special issue for Qualitative Inquiry on communicative methodology. Ariadna Munte, Professor of Social Work at the University of Barcelona. She has worked for more than ten years with Roma people and other vulnerable groups, combining her work with research in social sciences. She was member of the research project Roma immigration in Spain: Challenges for social inclusion and living together. She has published several articles in JCR journals. Teresa Sorde, Doctor by Harvard University, Professor of Sociology and Researcher for GEDIME (Study Group on Immigration and Ethnic Minorities) at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. Most of her work has dealt specifically with strategies to overcome discrimination against migrants and cultural minorities. She was main researcher of the project Roma Migrants in Spain, funded by the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe.


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