Health Communication

ISSN: 1041-0236 (Print) 1532-7027 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hhth20

Vested Interest, Disaster Preparedness, and Strategic Campaign Message Design Bradley J. Adame & Claude H. Miller To cite this article: Bradley J. Adame & Claude H. Miller (2015) Vested Interest, Disaster Preparedness, and Strategic Campaign Message Design, Health Communication, 30:3, 271-281, DOI: 10.1080/10410236.2013.842527 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10410236.2013.842527

Published online: 16 May 2014.

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Date: 07 November 2015, At: 00:50

Health Communication, 30: 271–281, 2015 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1041-0236 print / 1532-7027 online DOI: 10.1080/10410236.2013.842527

Vested Interest, Disaster Preparedness, and Strategic Campaign Message Design

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Bradley J. Adame The Hugh Downs School of Human Communication Arizona State University

Claude H. Miller Department of Communication University of Oklahoma

In recent years, the United States has recognized an increasing need for individual-level disaster preparedness, with federal, state, and local government agencies finding only limited success in instituting campaign-based disaster preparedness programs. Extant research indicates Americans generally remain poorly informed and badly unprepared for imminent disasters. Vested interest theory (Crano, 1997) is presented as a framework for designing and testing the effectiveness of television-based disaster preparedness campaign messages. Highand low-vested versions of an extant control message are compared to assess message efficacy as indicated by behavioral intentions, message acceptance, and preparedness related attitudes. Results indicate television-based video public service announcements manipulated with subtle message variations can be effective at influencing critical preparedness-related attitudes. The high-vested condition performed significantly better than the low-vested and control conditions for both behavioral intentions and perceptions of self-efficacy, two vitally important outcome variables associated with disaster preparedness.

On April 19, 1995, Timothy McVeigh exploded a truck bomb in front of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, killing 168, and injuring more than 680 people. On September 11, 2001, 19 members of AlQaeda hijacked four airliners, crashing them into the World Trade Center Towers in New York City, the Pentagon in Washington, DC, and a field in Pennsylvania, killing 2,977 people (9-11 Commission, 2004). In 2005, Hurricane Katrina became the costliest and deadliest storm in U.S. history, killing more than 1800 people, and causing $81 billion in damage. Each year there are an average of 33 disaster declarations (Federal Emergency Management Agency [FEMA], 2013c); these and other catastrophes have made critical the need for increased disaster preparedness efforts (FEMA, 2013a; Turner & Underhill, 2012).

Correspondence should be addressed to Bradley J. Adame, The Hugh Downs School of Human Communication, Arizona State University, PO Box 871205, Tempe, AZ 85287. E-mail: [email protected]

Since 2007, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) has designated $16 billion for state and local government agencies to plan and prepare for natural and man-made disasters. Such activities include support for the development of emergency response and continuity of operations plans, disaster research, mitigation projects, training and disaster simulation, and National Incident Management System (NIMS) training (FEMA, 2008, 2013a). Despite this federal effort, the participation of individual Americans has been largely ignored (Decker, 2009). Although portions of the FEMA budget have been allocated to funding preparedness campaigns, the scant research examining these efforts has shown minimal effectiveness (Miller, Adame, & Moore, 2013; Turner & Underhill, 2012). The primary objective of the present research is to test the efficacy of theoretically designed message variations emphasizing key components of vested interest theory (VI: Crano, 1983, 1997; Crano & Prislin, 1995; Sivacek & Crano, 1982). To this end, an existing disaster preparedness public service announcement (PSA) was manipulated using an

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experimental design intended to simulate television viewing patterns. Vested interest theory specifies five key attitudinal moderators useful in enhancing attitude-consistent behaviors, which in turn may guide the development and design of more effective preparedness campaigns. The state of public preparedness is a cause of major concern for federal and state agencies intent on preserving lives and assets, as new and more frequent disasters are anticipated to occur with increasingly dire consequences (Decker, 2009; FEMA, 2009b; FEMA, 2013c). As of 2012, there were 112 Presidential disaster declarations (FEMA, 2013), with one of the most recent being the EF5 tornado that killed 51 people in Moore, OK, on May 4, 2013 (FEMA, 2013b). The U.S. government has focused a great deal of concern on disasters since the mid 1950s; nevertheless, crisis events of the last decade have heightened the salience of disasters and their impact on government agencies and citizens (FEMA, 2013a; Kapucu, 2008; Paek, Hilyard, Freimuth, Barge, & Mindlin, 2010), and despite intensified awareness, citizenlevel preparedness remains woefully inadequate (FEMA, 2009a; Redlener, Grant, Berman, Johnson, & Arbramson, 2006). FEMA (2009a) prescribes three requirements to achieve a basic state of disaster readiness intended to meet preparedness requirements for a wide range of disasters: (1) build a disaster kit, (2), make a plan, and (3) be informed. Essential requirements for a disaster kit include food, water, and supplies to sustain a household for at least 72 hours without aid from first responders or other emergency workers. An effective response plan includes having a predetermined safe meeting location, knowing evacuation and reassembly areas, and having contact information for family members or friends outside of one’s geographic area. Finally, being informed involves awareness of types and frequencies of potential disasters likely to occur in one’s geographic area, and knowledge of key community resources and action plans. Surveys of the American public indicate most Americans recognize the importance of preparedness, but have done little to prepare for disasters. Fully 61% of respondents in a recent survey report their willingness to rely solely on emergency first responders in the event of a disaster (FEMA, 2009a). To encourage citizen-level disaster preparedness, organizations such as the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the Red Cross, and FEMA sponsor a Web-based campaign, Ready.gov, which focuses on communicating preparedness-related information. Statelevel campaigns (e.g.,Oklahoma’s “Red Dirt Ready,” www. reddirtready.gov) supplement this effort with messages targeting locally salient disaster events. Despite these federal and state efforts, most of the extant campaigns have been unsuccessful at motivating significant numbers of Americans to prepare for disasters (Eisenman et al., 2006; Turner & Underhill, 2012). This failure is likely one of design rather than policy, given that meta-analytic

research indicates that theoretically driven campaigns can be effective at prompting lasting behavioral change (Carpenter, 2010; Dutta-Bergman, 2005). To be effective, mass-mediated campaign messages should do more than simply encourage understanding and positive affect (McAlister, Ramirez, Galavotti, & Gallion, 1989; Snyder et al., 2004). To be optimally effective, messages should motivate their audiences to adopt the desired behaviors (Nolan, Schultz, & Knowles, 2009); nevertheless, as Turner and Underhill (2012) observe, extant disaster preparedness campaigns contain litle or no content useful in motivating behavioral change. Behavioral motivation is especially critical in the disaster preparedness context since citizens are asked to devote resources such as time and money. Thus, limited resources, when combined with a lack of operational knowledge, may present a substantial motivational barrier to disaster preparedness (Redlenner et al., 2006).

THE RED DIRT READY CAMPAIGN The Oklahoma Office of Homeland Security (OKOHS) is charged with organizing and executing preparedness programs within Oklahoma (OKOHS, 2011b). The agency’s primary effort is the Red Dirt Ready (RDR) campaign, with its central element being a 60-second television PSA. This campaign, in conjunction with the RDR website, functions as a key source of disaster preparedness information for Oklahomans, intended to raise awareness and direct viewers to the website to access detailed disaster preparedness information (OKOHS, 2011b). In accordance with Turner and Underhill’s (2012) evaluation of extant preparedness campaigns, the RDR message also appears to lack the application of any discernable theory of motivation or behavioral change. Its message focuses attention on Oklahoma’s history of setting standards for disaster response (cf. OKOHS, 2011a). Showing imagery depicting men and women from differing backgrounds and socioeconomic classes, the RDR message calls on Oklahomans with “different experiences and backgrounds to pull together, get prepared, and be ready” (OHOHS 2011b). Although the message exhorts viewers to visit the RDR website, it contains neither a description of preparedness behaviors, nor any identifiable persuasive tactics, both of which have been demonstrated to be vital components of successful campaign messages (Nolan et al., 2009; Turner & Underhill, 2012).

VESTED INTEREST A potential moderator showing promise as a reliable predictor of attitude–behavior consistency is VI (Crano, 1997; Sivacek & Crano, 1982). Vested interest theory posits

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that, for an attitude-object to reliably predict behavior, five attitudinal dimensions—stake, salience, certainty, immediacy, and self-efficacy—must all be perceived at high levels. When all five of these dimensions are elevated, VI predicts pertinent attitudes will be perceived as hedonically relevant to the individual, and thus they should promote more reliable attitude–behavior consistency. However, if even one VI dimension is perceived to be low, a diminished attitude– behavior relationship is predicted (Sivacek & Crano, 1982). Stake refers to the perceived personal consequences of an attitude-object in terms of potential gain–loss judgments (Crano & Prislin, 1995; Sivacek & Crano, 1982). Research characterizes stake as a global proxy for the fuller notion of vested interest; when perceived stake is high, messages are processed more systematically, generate more issue-relevant thoughts, and produce increased affective and cognitive engagement (Petty & Cacioppo, 1984; Petty, Cacioppo, & Goldman, 1981). Stake also functions as a demographic variable; Miller, Adame, and Moore (2013) argue that participants residing in particular geographic areas have a unique stake in the consequences of localized disasters and weather events (e.g., earthquakes along the West Coast, tornados in the Midwest, and hurricanes in the Southeast). Salient attitudes are perceived as directly accessible and personally relevant (Crano, 1997; Sivacek & Crano, 1982), and both these subdimensions are necessary, since attitudes considered merely objectively important may be less cognitively accessible than those that are self-relevant; moreover, salient attitudes are more likely to exhibit increased attitude– behavior consistency (Crano, 1983; Crano & Prislin, 1995). Sivacek and Crano (1982) argue that salience is typically a function of personal experience. In the disaster preparedness context, individuals who have survived severe inclement weather—or any other disasters—should theoretically perceive these events as more salient than those who have not had the same direct experience. Immediacy refers to the temporal interval between actions associated with an attitude-relevant behavior and their implied consequences. In the case of preparedness, immediacy corresponds to the amount of time between the present moment and when one perceives one will be affected by a potential disaster. When the consequences of action, or inaction, are perceived to be immediate (e.g., while tornado sirens are sounding), pertinent attitudes will tend to be more predictive of relevant behaviors. Alternatively, consequences perceived to be temporally distant should reduce perceptions of vestedness, and thus attenuate the attitude–behavior link (Crano, 1997; Crano & Prislin, 1995). Certainty addresses perceptions of the probability of consequences associated with action or inaction attendant upon attitude-relevant behavior, such that higher degrees of certainty contribute to higher probabilities of attitude–behavior consistency (Clarkson, Tormala, & Rucker, 2008; Petrocelli, Tormala, & Rucker, 2007). When the consequences associated with performing or not performing an attitude-relevant

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behavior are uncertain, the probability that individuals will engage in that behavior is significantly diminished (Crano & Prislin, 1995). Disaster preparation, although not an overly complex behavior set, does require functional engagement with specific actions. Individuals may be aware disasters are likely to occur, but if the perceived certainty of consequences is low, hedonic relevance will be diminished, and individuals will be less likely to engage in preparedness behaviors. Self-efficacy, as articulated by VI, follows Bandura’s (1977, 1982) original formulation, defined as one’s perception of one’s ability to effect change. Because attitudeobjects afford a variety of responses and courses of action, the extent to which an individual perceives she or he is able to act in an efficacious way will moderate both the motivation and the decision to behave. In response to influence attempts, individuals who perceive their efficacy to be low are unlikely to act in the prescribed ways (Bandura, 1997). Recent preparedness research supports this assertion, identifying low self-efficacy as a key predictor of low to negligible levels of disaster preparedness (e.g., FEMA, 2009a; Redlener et al., 2006). Recent research also suggests VI may be further enhanced by elements from Witte’s (1992, 1994) extended parallel process model of fear appeals (EPPM), which may be integrated into the VI framework to further strengthen the connection between attitudes toward disaster preparedness and actual preparedness behaviors (Miller et al., 2013). Similar to VI, EPPM scholars assert that self-efficacy is a necessary though not sufficient condition for engaging in danger control behaviors in response to fear appeals; moreover, message receivers must also believe the relevant corresponding behavioral responses are efficacious as well (Yzer, Southwell, & Stephenson, 2013). Further, recent research has shown response efficacy to be clearly distinct from self-efficacy (Miller et al., 2013; Yzer et al., 2013), working to moderate attitudinally consistent behaviors based on message recipients’ relevant perceptions (Witte & Allen, 2000). Therefore, Miller and colleagues (2013) argue for an expanded VI model that includes response efficacy as a sixth component of VI. The present research operationalizes this extension, contending that individuals may perceive themselves as being capable of preparing for disasters, however, if they do not recognize the advocated responses as being efficacious, they should be less likely to so engage themselves. Perceived susceptibility is another construct described by the EPPM with relevance to the present study. Susceptibility describes an individual’s perceptions of personal vulnerability in relation to a given threat (Witte, 1994). Although perceived susceptibility has proven to be useful in predicting receivers’ responses to fear appeals (cf. Witte & Allen, 2000), other research has suggested VI may be a more powerful predictor of relevant behaviors by nuancing the attitude–behavior relationship (Miller et al., 2013). For example, if outcome certainty is perceived to be high, an

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individual is likely to perceive high levels of susceptibility, whereas the reverse does not necessarily follow. The following hypothesis addresses the ability of VI to influence receivers’ intentions to carry out prescribed behaviors. As mentioned, FEMA has identified three specific behaviors recommended to optimize preparedness. Vested interest theory posits that only when each dimension of vestedness is maximized will engagement in recommended behaviors be consistent with attitudes; thus, we predict: H1: Relative to the control message and low-vested conditions, the high-vested message will demonstrate optimal persuasive outcomes as indicated by more positive behavioral intentions to (a) build a disaster kit, (b) make a disaster plan, (c) visit the RDR website, and (d) volunteer to aid emergency responders in the event of a disaster. Although VI does not address the manipulation of attitudes, Shavitt and Nelson (2002) have demonstrated attitudes serve specific functions that may change in response to various types of appeals. Fundamentally, VI is concerned with the hedonic relevance of an attitude-object. It can be assumed that message receivers should be cognizant of the capacity for disasters to cause negative personal consequences; therefore, messages increasing receivers’ awareness of a disaster should be perceived as hedonically relevant, and thus effective at increasing attitude behavior consistency relative to the attitude-object—disaster preparedness. Since this is the first research to examine the potential manipulation of vestedness on preparedness, and since VI concerns the attitude–behavior relationship, rather than attitude formation, the following research question is advanced: RQ1: Relative to the control message, do messages designed to manipulate vestedness effect receivers’ attitudes toward preparedness? According to Dillard, Kinney, and Cruz (1996), persuasive appeals can be measured on two dimensions: explicitness and dominance, where explicitness involves the degree of overt language, and dominance, the limitations on alternative behavior choices. Dillard and colleagues argue these two dimensions influence the cognitive appraisals receivers make when deciding to comply with an appeal. Dominant and explicit messages may be perceived as intrusive and, in accordance with reactance theory (Brehm, 1966), diminish persuasiveness. Alternatively, Nolan and colleagues (2009) and Turner and Underhill (2012) argue successful behavioral change campaigns must contain a motivational strategy while providing specific behavioral directions. Given that the high-vested message tested here contains both a motivational strategy and specific behavioral directions, it could be perceived as persuasive and/or intrusive. To address these possibilities, measures developed by Dillard et al. (1996) were used to examine message receivers’ cognitive appraisals. The 18-item scale has three

underlying factors: fairness, attention, and importance; each is derived from message appraisal research (cf. Scherer, 1982; Smith & Ellsworth, 1987) relating to the perceived legitimacy of a message (fairness); the decision to attend to a message (attention); and the perceived relevance of a topic (importance). The observations of Dillard and colleagues (1996) could be interpreted as contradictory to the recommendations made by both Nolan and colleagues (2009) and Turner and Underhill (2012). Thus, the following research question is offered: RQ2: Does the manipulation of vestedness result in significantly different cognitive appraisals, as measured by (a) perceived fairness, (b) message attention, and (c) perceived importance of the message? Credibility assessment has been a concern for persuasion scholars since Aristotle first described the notion of ethos (McCroskey, 1966). Source credibility is a receiver-based construct, typically comprised of perceptions of authority, expertise, trustworthiness, and character, among other conceptions, (Kumkale & Albarracin, 2004; McCroskey & Teven, 1999; Teven & McCroskey, 1997), and has also been studied from an organizational perspective (Metzger, Flanagin, Eyal, Lemus, & Mccann, 2003). Gass and Seiter (1999) argue that an organization is subject to judgments of credibility similar to those of individuals. This can, in turn, have a direct impact on stakeholder’s attitudes and behaviors, and on the perceived credibility of the organizations’ public image, affecting the efficacy of the organization’s messages. Vestedness does not directly address perceived credibility; however, if the message employs a motivational element and direct behavioral recommendations, it may serve to increase the perceived credibility of the message source. Thus, a final research question is advanced: RQ3: Does the manipulation of vestedness result in significantly different perceived levels of source credibility?

METHOD Materials Script-based manipulations were developed by strategically designing language components to either emphasize or deemphasize perceptions of four elements of vestedness: immediacy, certainty, self-efficacy, and response efficacy. Due to the nature of a disaster message to Oklahomans, stake and salience were assumed to be high, and thus held constant. Stake was inferred through Oklahoma residence, since the consequences of disasters typically occurring in the region can be considered localized events. Likewise, salience levels may also be presumed high—at least temporarily—in virtue of the PSA itself. While the PSA is being viewed, it should function to make the topic of disasters particularly salient for Oklahoma residents.

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Manipulations were developed using an iterative process whereby each VI variable was first defined in terms of both common and theoretical definitions, which were then used to assemble a set of synonyms. These linguistic features were then written into a script template to manipulate perceptions of vestedness accordingly. The self-efficacy manipulation provides a clear example; the high-vested manipulation reads, “These items are inexpensive and readily available, so you can easily assemble a preparedness kit,” whereas the low-vested manipulation reads, “These items can be expensive and hard to find so assembling a kit may be difficult.” Scripts for both treatment and control conditions are located in the appendix. The completed message template is comprised of the first line and the last two lines from the original RDR message—which remained consistent throughout both treatments. Scripts for each condition, including the control, were recorded by a professional radio announcer using studio recording equipment, then mixed into the RDR visual track using video editing software. All sounds and audio tracks from the original PSA were deleted and replaced by new music and sound effects, which were held constant across all three conditions, maintaining professional quality and giving the appearance that all each been produced by OKOHS. Procedure The experiment was administered via a Web-based survey tool. Participants were directed by hyperlink to the study, where they were consented for participation. The software then randomly assigned participants to one of the three conditions, high-vested, low-vested, or control. Each condition was assembled to simulate a television viewing experience; participants first viewed a PSA produced by the Oklahoma tourism commission (Travel OK), followed by the experimental PSA. Next they viewed a different Travel OK PSA, and finally, they had a repeated exposure to the same experimental PSA message. Treatments were presented twice to enhance their effectiveness. Data were collected in two separate sessions: late fall of 2011 and early spring of 2012. Following the four segments, the survey software presented participants with dependent measures randomized both within and between each scale to eliminate ordering effects. All participants were presented the same set of posttest measures in random order. Once finished, participants were debriefed and thanked for their time. Dependent Measures Vested interest. Scales for measuring perceptions of each element of vestedness were developed and tested in previous research (Miller et al., 2013). The following scales were used as a manipulation checks: perceived susceptibility (5 items; α = .87); perceived immediacy (6 items; α = .85); perceived certainty (8 items; α = .80); perceived

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self-efficacy (5 item; α = .86); perceived response efficacy (6 items; α = .81); and perceived salience (8 items; α = .85) (Miller et al., 2013). Attitudes toward the topic. Scales were created to measure attitudes relevant to the topic of disaster preparedness, whereby preparedness-related items were pilot tested on a separate population and refined to a 10-item, 7-point scale, anchored by strongly agree/strongly disagree (10 items; α = .87). Behavioral intention/preparedness. Preparedness behavioral intentions were measured using an instrument adapted from Dillard and Shen (2005), wherein respondents were asked to report on a 0–100 scale (with 0 = definitely will not and 100 = definitely will) the likelihood that they would assemble a disaster kit in the next three months, the likelihood that they would make an emergency plan, the likelihood of visiting the RDR website, and the likelihood that they would volunteer to aid emergency responders in the event of a disaster. Attitudes toward the message. Perceptions of the message were measured using scales adapted from Dillard et al. (1996). Three dimensions, including message fairness (8 items; α = .90), message attention, (4 items; α = .94), and message importance (4 items; α = .93), were measured on a 7-point, strongly agree/strongly disagree continuum. Attitudes toward the source. Perceptions of source credibility were measured using scales adapted from McCroskey (1966), comprised of 12 items scored on a 7-point continuum anchored by strongly agree and strongly disagree. Past research has demonstrated these scales measure two distinct dimensions of credibility: expertise (6 items; α = .90) and character (6 items; α = .91). Participants Participants (N = 171; high-vested condition, n = 60; low-vested condition, n = 56; control condition, n = 55) were students enrolled at a large Southwestern university, recruited using a university-wide mass e-mail system. The e-mail described the study, the procedure, and the compensation process, and participants were given the opportunity of selecting their method of compensation: either course credit for their communication course, or to be entered into a raffle to win one of twenty $25 gift cards of their choice. After cleaning the data to eliminate incomplete surveys, or surveys completed in an excessively short duration, the final sample was 65.1% female, with a mean age of 20.7 years (SD = 3.88). The ethnic profile was consistent with the typical campus demographic profile: Native American/Alaskan (4.3%); Black (4.6%); White (79.8%); Asian/Pacific Islander (4.4%); Latino/a (4.4%); and Other (2.5%).

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RESULTS Vested interest theory predicts message receivers’ motivation to engage in attitudinally relevant preparedness behaviors should be maximized when vestedness is high. To test the efficacy of these messages in manipulating high and low vestedness and their effectiveness relative to the control message produced by OKOHS, a one-way multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was performed using message condition (high-vested/low-vested/control) to test all dependent variables.

TABLE 1 Main Condition Means for Perceived Vested Interest M (SE) High-vested

Low-vested

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Manipulation Check: Perceptions of Vestedness Results indicate a significant multivariate effect for perceptions of vested interest dimensions, Wilks’ λ = .822, F(12, 308) = 2.64, p = .002, η2 = .18. Examination of the univariate results revealed significant effects for perceived self-efficacy, F(2, 162) = 4.10, p = .018, η2 = .08, and perceived susceptibility, F(2, 162) = 8.51, p < .001, η2 = .11, and marginally significant effects for perceived immediacy, F(2, 162) = 2.76, p = .069, η2 = .034, and perceived certainty, F(2, 162) = 2.52, p = .084, η2 = .032. Results for perceived response efficacy, F(2, 162) = .102, p = .903, η2 = .00, and perceived salience, F(2, 162) = .929, p = .397, η2 = .00, were nonsignificant. See Figure 1 and Table 1 for means and standard errors.

Control

Immediacy Certainty Self-efficacy Response efficacy Salience Susceptibility Immediacy Certainty Self-efficacy Response efficacy Salience Susceptibility Immediacy Certainty Self-efficacy Response efficacy Salience Susceptibility

4.46 (0.17) 4.39 (0.11) 5.07 (0.17) 3.98 (0.14) 3.61 (0.16) 4.80 (0.14) 4.18 (0.17) 4.05 (0.12) 4.46 (0.17) 4.00 (0.14) 3.31 (0.16) 4.14 (0.139) 3.89 (0.18) 4.11 (0.12) 4.49 (0.17) 4.06 (0.14) 3.45 (0.16) 4.07 (0.14)

Behavioral Intentions Hypothesis 1 posits optimal persuasive outcomes for participants in the high-vested condition, evidenced by increased scores on preparedness intentions scales. The omnibus test was significant, Wilks’ λ = .90, F(8, 308) = 1.97, p = .05,

FIGURE 2 Means for behavioral intentions.

η2 = .10, and examination of the univariate effects revealed significant effects in the predicted directions for intention to build a disaster kit, F(2, 160) = 3.77, p = .025, η2 = .05, intention to make a disaster plan, F(2, 160) = 3.50, p = .033, η2 = .044, and intention to volunteer in the event of a disaster, F(2, 160) = 4.26, p = .016, η2 = .05, lending support for H1. Results for intention to visit the RDR website were not significant, F(2, 160) = .488, p = .615, η2 = .006. See Figure 2 and Table 2 for means and standard errors. Attitudes Toward Preparedness FIGURE 1 Means for perceived self-efficacy, susceptibility, immediacy, and certainty.

The univariate results addressing RQ1, concerning the effects of vestedness on receivers’ attitudes toward

VESTED INTEREST & DISASTER PREPAREDNESS TABLE 2 Main Condition Means for Behavioral Intentions M (SE) High-vested

Low-vested

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Control

Build a disaster kit Make a disaster plan Visit the RDR website Volunteer Build a disaster kit Make a disaster plan Visit the RDR website Volunteer Build a disaster kit Make a disaster plan Visit the RDR website Volunteer

52.40 (3.53) 65.91 (3.56) 39.10 (3.85) 73.20 (3.69) 39.02 (3.63) 52.90 (3.66) 33.65 (3.96) 60.21 (3.80) 44.98 (3.59) 62.74 (3.62) 36.00 (3.92) 74.19 (3.76)

TABLE 3 Means for Attitudes Toward Preparedness M (SE) High-vested Low-vested Control

5.12 (0.12) 4.82 (0.13) 5.37 (0.13)

preparedness, show higher levels of positive attitudes toward preparedness for those in the control condition, F(2, 172) = 4.89, p = .009, η2 = .06. See Table 3 for means and standard errors. Attitudes Toward the Message Omnibus results examining RQ2 concerning the effects of vestedness on perceived fairness, attention, and importance were not significant, Wilks’ λ = .982, F(6, 334) = .517, p = .79, η2 = .00, as was the case for the univariate results for each of the three outcomes. Perceived Source Credibility Omnibus results for RQ3 concerning perceptions of authority and character were not significant, Wilks’ λ = .968, F(4, 336) = 1.37, p = .24, η2 = .00, as was the case for the univariate tests for both outcomes.

DISCUSSION The goals of this research were to examine how individuals respond to message-based manipulations of vestedness, and to test the efficacy of theoretically derived campaign messages on receivers’ perceptions of and intentions to prepare for salient disasters. Using VI as the explanatory framework, messages were developed and tested against an existing

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disaster preparedness campaign message. The results support the predictions that VI can be successfully manipulated within mass-mediated messages, which in turn can be used to enhance the effectiveness of social action campaigns. Results of the manipulation checks indicated participants in the high-vested condition reported significantly higher perceptions of self-efficacy and susceptibility, and moderately higher levels of perceived immediacy and certainty. With the exception of perceived response efficacy, which was nonsignificant, all means were in the predicted directions. These results should be viewed in the context of the seasonal timing of the data collection. Data were collected in Oklahoma during the late fall and early spring, which are generally periods of relatively calm weather in Oklahoma. Moreover, Oklahoma experienced one of its warmest winters since 1895 during the data collection periods (McManus, 2012), suggesting receiver perceptions of the immediacy of consequences may have been somewhat attenuated by the salience of mild weather. If participants do not perceive severe storm conditions as imminent, we should expect them to be less influenced by an immediacy manipulation. In light of these findings, it would seem the most effective messages should communicate immediacy in a less concrete fashion, addressing more nuanced weather predictions appropriate for a given season. The self-efficacy manipulation was designed to inform receivers that a disaster kit is affordable and easy to assemble, while the response-efficacy manipulation concerned the effectiveness of a disaster kit in mitigating negative consequences; participants in both the high-vested and lowvested conditions received information regarding FEMA’s recommended contents; thus, in hindsight we should have anticipated differences in perceptions of response efficacy to be minimal. Nonetheless, receiving information about the required contents of a kit and being told a kit can be an effective tool in responding to a disaster appear to have increased perceived self-efficacy relevant to disaster preparedness. This result is especially important given that the ultimate goal of any preparedness campaign is to motivate citizens to take appropriate actions. Increasing overall feelings of self-efficacy is a key requirement for overcoming what national survey data indicate to be one of the most significant barriers to preparedness (FEMA, 2009a; Redlener et al., 2006). Regarding behavioral intentions, the results reported here support the notion that vestedness can be effectively manipulated through a television-based message. The high-vested message was significantly more effective than the low-vested and control messages for two of the four behavioral intention measures (intentions to build a kit, and make a plan) and equally as effective at influencing the intention to volunteer. These results have significant implications for campaign message design, where the intention is to elevate levels of preparedness. These results provide evidence that highvested messages can be the most effective at influencing

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intended behaviors for two of the three federal guidelines for citizen-level disaster readiness (i.e., make a plan, build a kit, and be informed; FEMA, 2009b). Although FEMA does not place disproportionate emphasis on building a disaster kit, this particular response probably presents the greatest challenges for persuasive message design, given that it requires individuals to spend greater levels of time, money, and effort. The results presented here indicate that high-vested messages can significantly impact both perceptions of selfefficacy and behavioral intentions. Note that these findings were effected by only two viewings of a 60-second preparedness message interspersed with two otherwise unrelated PSAs. As Gantz, Fitzmaurice, and Yoo (1990) have observed, behavioral changes are often the result of largescale campaigns influencing small, incremental changes. Building from these results, it would appear that properly funded and distributed campaigns, using VI-informed message designs, broadcast over greater time periods, should increase the effect size found here. Thus, it is reasonable to conclude that high-vested messages should lead to appreciable increases in active disaster preparedness behaviors. Another point of interest concerns information seeking, operationalized in the present study as intentions to visit the Oklahoma RDR website. The control message explicitly directed viewers to the website, and reinforced this direction by showing an individual logging on. Given this more direct aspect of the OKOHS message, one might have expected the control message to outperform the high-vested condition. However, the data indicate this apparently was not the case—the univariate effect of message condition was not significant for intention to visit the RDR website. Moreover, this outcome suggests a noteworthy consideration: If one of the main goals of the OKOHS RDR campaign was to motivate citizens to prepare by first visiting the RDR website, these results show the high-VI message can achieve the same goal with equal effectiveness. This effect would likely be magnified given different technological trends: Approximately 98% of Americans own a television, while only 66% have access to broadband Internet (Smith, 2010; Taylor, 2006). Broadband Internet access is substantially lower in rural areas; in rural Oklahoma, for example, only 36% of residents have access to at least a minimum available bandwidth (Genachowski, 2011). Further, residents of rural areas are typically more vulnerable to the effects of disasters because they live geographically farther from centralized resources (i.e., emergency responders, grocery/supply stores, and maintained evacuation routes) than those who live in urban areas. A message designed to persuade individuals to seek information from the Internet is of little use for up to 63.65% of Oklahoma’s rural population who are without broadband Internet or for whom dial-up access to the website would be significantly less convenient. Despite the effectiveness of the high-vested message shown in support of H1, results for RQ1 indicate the control message was slightly more effective in motivating positive

attitudes toward preparedness than the high-vested message. We should note, however, that participants in the low-vested condition reported the least positive attitudes toward preparedness. In hindsight, these results make intuitive sense given that the dominant strategy of the RDR control message was to use appeals to pride, history, and tradition to increase positive affect toward preparedness, rather than to persuade individuals to take specific actions (other than the directive to visit the RDR website). The preparedness attitude scale items used in the present experiment require additional research and development, as they were created specifically for this study. Nevertheless, the development and testing of this scale begins to address a significant research deficiency within the area of citizenlevel disaster preparedness (Decker, 2009). The lack of significance for RQ2 and RQ3, addressing message evaluation and credibility, is again disappointing, although probably not due to an inherent flaw of VI theory. Message-attitude variables and credibility, while typically associated with effective persuasion, were not expressly manipulated and thus did not inspire significant differences in perceptions. Limitations and Future Research Directions We intend future research to address several limitations of this study. One involves a broader sampling of relevant populations. The undergraduate students sampled in this study do not necessarily approximate a representative sample of all Oklahomans; consequently, these findings should be interpreted accordingly. Nonetheless, these respondents do by and large live in disaster-prone areas subject to the same threats and consequences as other Oklahomans. They should therefore have an equally considerable stake in disasterrelated outcomes. Further, the VI model has not, to our knowledge, been tested in the manner described here. Given that the treatment messages were presented in a single setting, a small effect size was expected. To offset this limitation, a large sample was sought, and the messages were administered twice. Although the effects were relatively small, the results described here are a promising start. The possibility for larger effect sizes is reasonable, especially within the context of a statewide campaign. Furthermore, larger samples are justified given the nature of televised PSAs and the subtlety of the manipulations involved in the present experiment. A degree of slippage exists between the verbal and visual elements of the manipulated messages. Every effort was made, within financial and technological constraints, to make the messages appear as if they came directly from OKOHS. Despite this effort, there may be a slight, discernable difference between what is being communicated via the audio and visual channels. Perhaps this subtle discrepancy led to equivocal results regarding perceptions of credibility and cognitive evaluations of the messages. A high-VI message, consistent across verbal and visual elements, would

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likely produce significantly higher ratings for credibility, more positive message evaluations, and even more effective persuasive outcomes. Finally, the scales used in this experiment to measure perceptions of vestedness are in need of additional validation and refinement. Evidence from the present research indicates these scales are valid and useful measures; however, more studies would help to further substantiate their validity within other crisis- and health-relevant contexts.

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CONCLUSION Enhanced disaster preparedness at the individual level increases survivability rates for all concerned, and helps relieve pressure on aid and rescue workers, contributing to overall community resilience (Landau, 2007; Norris, Stevens, Pfefferbaum, Wyche, & Pfefferbaum, 2008). This project provides support for the use of an expanded VI framework for the development and testing of social action campaign message designs intended to motivate disaster preparedness behaviors at the individual level. To this end, messages were developed and experimentally tested using an expanded VI framework. The results presented here extend the utility of VI theory and contribute to campaign research by helping to explain the attitude–behavior relationship useful in predicting likely behavioral outcomes. The scales developed in this research begin to fill an important void in the disaster preparedness literature by helping to satisfy Decker’s (2009) call to advance the reliability and validity of theory-based measures for use in formative and evaluative stages of disaster preparedness campaigns. By examining the effects of theory-driven message design variables, researchers can gain insights into how the various factors involved function to persuade and effect attitude behavior consistency, with the goal of advancing more individual-level preparedness behaviors.

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APPENDIX: EXPERIMENTAL MATERIALS Message Manipulations Parentheses indicate (high emphasis), whereas brackets indicate [low emphasis]. Font features are varied to indicate the manipulated dimension of VI as follows: Certainty, Immediacy, Response Efficacy, Self-Efficacy. Average word count of individual messages: 141 Oklahoma is the heart of the homeland and historically, we’ve set the standard on how to meet adversity head-on. But as the world changes, it would be a grave error to close our eyes to new threats. Disasters like tornados, floods and ice storms (will affect all) [may affect some] Oklahomans (in the next few months) [in the next few years]. (Research has shown) [Some people believe] that being prepared with a go-kit, containing basics like food and water for your household; a flashlight, radio and extra clothes (is the most effective way) [may be one way] to help yourself survive a major disaster. (These items are inexpensive and readily available, so you can easily assemble a preparedness kit) [These items can be expensive and hard to find so assembling a kit may be difficult]. The Oklahoma Office of Homeland Security needs you to be prepared. Both natural and man-made disasters (will) [might] affect you (in the near future)[sometime far in the future]. Get started today. Log on to reddirtready.com. Let’s make Oklahoma Red Dirt Ready.

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Control Message—OK Office of Homeland Security Words: 125

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Oklahoma is the heart of the homeland and historically, we’ve set the standard on how to meet adversity head-on. But as the world changes, it would be a grave error to close our eyes to new threats. So, we’re calling on Oklahomans with different experiences and backgrounds to pull

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together, get prepared and be ready. That’s why the Oklahoma office of homeland security wants you to get red dirt ready, because by being informed, and being willing to volunteer, together, we can handle anything. Get started today. Log on to reddirtready.com, answer a few questions and find out how you can help. And let’s make Oklahoma ready for anything that might come our way because together, we are secure. Let’s get Oklahoma red dirt ready.