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Experimental Aging Research: An International Journal Devoted to the Scientific Study of the Aging Process Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/uear20
Future time perspective in later adulthood: Review and research directions William Rakowski
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Department of Community Health Programs School of Public Health , University of Michigan , Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48109 Published online: 28 Sep 2007.
To cite this article: William Rakowski (1979) Future time perspective in later adulthood: Review and research directions, Experimental Aging Research: An International Journal Devoted to the Scientific Study of the Aging Process, 5:1, 43-88, DOI: 10.1080/03610737908257187 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03610737908257187
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FUTURE TIME PERSPECTIVE IN LATER ADULTHOOD: REVIEW AND RESEARCH DIRECTIONS WILLIAM RAKOWSKI Department of Community Health Programs School of Public Heakh Universityof Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109 Rakowski, W. Future time perspective in later adulthood: Review and research directions. Experimental Aging Reseamh. 1979, 5(1), 43-88. The degree of experimental and quantitative detail which can be imposed on older adults’ temporal experiences remains a significant area for investigation. This paper surveys material related to this general area of study, taking primarily a psychological focus. Review of this literature suggests that while a basic future time orientation is not significantly affected in later life, older adults are at-risk of developing a less extended and less full personal future. However, research has been almost exclusively cross-sectional, and our empirical knowledge concerning the functional impact of such changes, should they occur, is minimal. In addition, although several correlates of older adults’ future time perspective have been reported, normative directions of causal relationship have not been determined. Consequently, while much of our data are varied, interesting, and insightful, they are at present difficult to organize or apply. Research should be pursued on several fronts, including prospective designs, the use of time perspective as a predictor and outcome variable, model development, and close association with temporal concepts in social gerontology.
Temporal experience--an individual’s view of the past, present, and future-as it occurs in the later decades of life has been a focus of attention for many persons interested in the course of adult development and change (e.g., Biihler, 1968; This report was prepared in part while the author was supported as a National Institute on Aging Post-Doctoral Fellow, under PHS grant number I-T32-AG00002-01AlI at the address listed. Reprint requests and other correspondence may be sent to the author, Dept. of Community Health Programs, Health Gerontology, School of Public Health, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, 48109.
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Butler, 1963; Gould, 1972; Green, 1975; Kastenbaum, 1961, 1966, 1969,1975,1977b;Kuhlen, 1964; Markson, 1973; Neugarten, 1977; Neugarten & Datan, 1975). Terms such as temporality, futurity, reminiscence, life perspective, life review, time orientation, future expectations and time perspective are among those frequently encountered. In this context, temporality should be distinguished from time perception, where the latter term denotes research concerned with the estimation o r production of short intervals of clock time. While the two areas may have some relationship (Feifel, 1957), their lines of study have developed independently, so that time perception research will be largely excluded from the present discussion. Even with this basic restriction the scope of possible topics which can be subsumed under the umbrella of temporality is broad, including its treatment as a general personality characteristic; as a sociological concept, such as age-graded expectations and social time; as a clinical process and outcome variable; or as a dimension of topically specific attitudes and beliefs (e.g. health, morale, .occupation). In addition, it is possible to discuss temporal experience in terms of three commonly accepted time zones--past, present, and future. The richness of the temporal concept is quickly evident to anyone examining the literature, while a t the same time implying that any review should both carefully define its focus and accept the risk of critique for excluding information considered pertinent by others. This report represents a review of psychologically-oriented research data on future temporality in later adulthood, with the objective of summarizing attempts to empirically assess and establish age-related trends and antecedents. Temporality will be treated as a general dimension of personality, not being examined in relation to a given topical area of attitudes or beliefs (e.g., health, morale, parenting, occupation). The implicit orientation underlying this paper and the data which are highlighted, is an emphasis on the quantifiability of future expectations, and their overall amenability to research study. It
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is the present author’s basic position that such an emphasis
constitutes one of many valid approaches to the study and understanding of later adult temporality, which despite having been a general research strategy, remains an area at the relative beginning of its most significant undertakings. It is the author’s further contention that the ultimate goal of such research is to empirically determine the limits to which temporal experience can in fact be usefully quantified or categorized, in helping to understand the processes of personenvironment interaction occurring in daily life. The issue has by no means yet been determined. The discussion which follows in no way intends to imply that research and theory be kept isolated. In fact, research data tends to support many general statements of conceptual discussions to date. Such correspondence will be indicated at appropriate points. It also appears to be the case, however, that such conceptual discussions have been at a level of generality not conducive to precise prediction, so that empirical findings have great potential importance in the necessary interplay of theory and data. Before discussing pertinent gerontological literature, some introductory comments are offered in the following section. It should be noted that research studies on temporality often employ the designation of “time perspective.” To the extent that ‘temporality” denotes a broad phenomenological field of experience and a correspondingly broad area of study, the present author generally finds it convenient to treat the term time perspective” as representing attempts to abstract, operationalize, and to some degree quantify those experiences. (For primarily non-quantitative, conceptual discussions, ‘temporal perspective” may be an appropriate parallel construct. ) GENERALBACKGROUND Defihing the nature of time perspective presents no less of a problem than encountered for any other psychological construct or personality characteristic. Comprehensive working definitions
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appear to be well-presented in three sources. In their revfew of (1960) literature on temporal experience, Wallace and -bin stated that time perspective concerned “the study of ‘macroevents’ revolving around the relationships between persons’ past, present, and future within their phenomenological frames of reference’’ (p. 213). Kastenbaum (1965) made a similar point even more strongly: “If we take seriously the ‘perspective’ in ‘time perspective’ then it is apparent that there must always be at least two reference points and a relationship between the points. A person who thinks exclusively of the future, for example, does not have a strong future time perspective-he has no time perspective at all. It is the person who manages to keep the past, present, and future in mind who has the opportunity of developing a genuine perspective.” (p. 199)
Finally, Lewin (1952) has defined time perspective as “the totality of the individual’s views of his psychological future and psychological past existing at a given time” (p. 75). While key definitional terms such as “relationships,” “reference points,” and “totality” are clearly in need of elaboration, these descriptions directly propose the existence of an “inner” life-space, populated by events and activities with a personally meaningful content and order, and toward which individuals hold certain judgmental and/or emotional reactions. It is therefore necessary and appropriate to initially approach a discussion of time perspective by identifying two potentially different orientations. To the person, time perspective is probably best approached as a private world of memories, current concerns of the present, and future expectations. The somewhat different life experiences and living situations among people give this facet of the concept a sense of personal uniqueness. A conscious or deliberated logical awareness of interrelationships that may exist, let alone at the level of time estimates or rating scales (e.g., how far into the future do I plan for things?, how certain a m I of my future?), is not necessarily implied. In fact, for many persons the term “time perspective’’ may generate more confusion than it will elicit usable data.
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To the researcher, as reflected in scientific reports, time perspective has been a set of dimensions which attempt to represent this experience, abstracting characteristics of temporal experience judged to have general applicability irrespective of individual differences in content. Time perspective is also a set of techniques and instruments used to operationalize the various dimensions, so that any one dimension may be assessed through several methods. Finally, time perspective appears to be a useful individual difference variable, based on the results of studies which have: (a) examined the responses of “normals” compared with various groups of “abnormals” (e.g., Barndt & Johnson, 1955; Brayley & Freed, 1971; Cheek & Laucius, 1971; Evans & Dinning, 1977; Henik & Domino, 1975; Landau, 1976; Roos & Albers, 1965a, 196513;Wallace, 1956); and (b) investigated psychosocial correlates of time perspective dimensions (e.g., Bascue & Lawrence, 1977; Cottle, 1969; Lessing, 1968; O’Rand & Ellis, 1974; Platt & Eisenman, 1968; Platt & Taylor, 1967; Robertson, 1978,Tehan, 1958; Toban, 1970; Yonge, 1975).
Essentially, therefore, the notion of an abstracted, quantifiable “time perspective’’ represents a construction by theoreticians and researchers, which despite being supported by data, is a point well to keep in mind when designing questionnaires or interview protocols and conducting studies. Furthermore, due to this distinction, an individual’s “future expectations” may be somewhat separable from an abstracted and quantified “future time perspective” ; while ‘reminiscence” or “life-review” (Butler, 1963; Havighurst & Glasser, 1972) may be distinguished in part from “past time perspective.” Similarly, the concept of temporality or total “life perspective” (Kastenbaum, 1969) may denote a broader phenomenal context than that encompassed by the term “time perspective.” Much of whether the dichotomy will exist and require emphasis in a research report depends on the variety and range of dimensions selected by the investigator. At the same time, as any given time perspective index becomes more qualitative, less precisely measured, or broader in scope, identification of the construct for purposes of analysis as a
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dependent or independent variable also becomes less exact, possibly to the extent of blending with other constructs. However, this may be at times a necessary cost to prevent too narrow an interpretation. Therefore, the domain of time perspective has somewhat indefinite boundaries, in itself certainly not a unique state of affairs. Several dimensions do appear more often and are considered more representative than others, however. Those cited here have, in varying degrees, received some attention in research with older adults. The most basic is time orientation, referring simply to the relative dominance of the past, present, and future in an individual’s thinking. Somewhat more detailed is the dimension of extension, ’often based on reported life-events and their estimated ages of occurrence, and which can be defined as the length of past, present, future, or total life time considered by the individual. Extension is probably the best example of the quantitative emphasis often taken by time perspective research. Another frequent index is density, operationalized by the number of life-events (e.g., Costa & Kastenbaum, 1967), or percent of committed time (Schonfield, 1973),which are reported in any or all of the three time zones. The assumption is that a greater number or higher percentage represents the relative “fullness,” “business,” or “richness” of the expected future or remembered past. A general evaluative dimension has also been investigated (e.g., Back & Bourque, 1970; Bourque & Back, 1977; Chiriboga, 1978; Eson & Greenfield, 1962; Hultsch & Bortner, 1974).
Coherence has been defined by the stability of two separate rank orderings of a set of life-events (Kastenbaum, 1961; Wallace, 1956); and directionulity generally refers to the perceived speed of movement from the present to the future, a concept not necessarily the same as time perception (i.e., assessing the accuracy of the judged duration, or actual
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production, of a stimulus over a short interval of clock time). Probably the most difficult characteristic to operationalize is that of integration among the three time zones, such as the manner in which present expectations may promote reinterpretations of past actions, or the process by which experiences from ybuth influence the individual’s determination of what are realistic future possibilities. A more thorough review of dimensions and techniques can be found in Hoomaert (1973). Before proceeding, the reader should note that much of the methodology in future time perspective research to date, and many of its dimensions, are based on explicit reports or implicit expectations of, (a) life-events, and (b) their estimated ages of occurrence. These are more likely to be conducive than are processes or states (e.g., happiness, security, becoming) for calculating a discrete value easily incorporated into statistical analyses. TIME PERSPECTIVE IN LATER ADULTHOOD General Concepts and Trends in Temporal Perspective
Theories or models involving specific past or future time perspective dimensions, whether abstract or in relation to applied concerns in the study of development in later adulthood, are not a t all common in the gerontological literature. One exception encountered by the present author is Lowenthal’s (1971) placement of time perspective as one of several intervening variables influencing goal--behavior adjustment during the course of life transitions. Even here, treatment was necessarily light, given the scope of her framework and presentation. On a more general level, however, several authors have made attempts to portray the temporal experience of older adults and the aging process. Such reports commonly have a basis in research data, with authors abstracting salient
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individual characteristics of, or apparent trends in, life-span
temporality and temporal perspective. Highlighting of data to elaborate numerous specific dimensions of temporal experience is likely to be de-emphasized in favor of holistic descriptions, often accompanied by representative personal statements from respondents. Often, these have been phrased in the context of a ‘‘developmental task” of personality growth. The identification of expectable stages of temporal experience has been a frequent objective, often with the additional implication that a t least certain experiences and processes are a natural concommitant of aging. These efforts have provided important data and insights, despite the fact that their relatively broad strokes can not yet be considered highly predictive of specific daily behaviors. They also present numerous opportunities for research, especially of a longitudinal nature, whether for applied or further theorybuilding purposes. While the present paper emphasizes future time perspective, one positive observation concerning these reports is that past and future .have often been discussed in an integrated fashion, with the objective of taking a person’s overall temporal perspective into consideration. As a ,result, although separate reviews of past and future are likely to understate the arguments of various writers, individual presentation of each author would produce unnecessary redundancy. Consequently, basic findings and ideas related to both past and future time perspective will be presented, under separate headings, while trying to verbally indicate points of association. Any interested reader is urged to consult the original sources for further discussion, since all details of these reports can not be easily summarized. Future
Probably the most encompassing statement agreed upon by several authors (Butler, 1963; Cumming & Henry, 1961; Erikson, 1959; Gould, 1972; Green, 1975; Kastenbaum, 1966, 1969, 1975;
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Neugarten, 1968, 1977; Vischer, 1961/1967) is that at some point in later adulthood a confrontation with time occurs, triggered by a personal realization of mortality. Reassessments and re-creations of temporal perspective are acknowledged to occur at points throughout the life-span. However, the review process at this time is considered to be somewhat unique. More specifically, because of this crisis (as often designated), it is believed that most older adults undergo a shift in perspective from time-livedsince-birth to time-to-live-until-death. Essentially life is now accepted as having a final limit. Until this time death is acknowledged to exist, but has little place in what might be called one’s real or “logical” future (Cottle & Klineberg, 1974). A restriction of an individual’s personal projection into the future is considered possible and justified (e.g., Butler, 1974). Additionally, the realization of finitude may result in qualitative shifts in personal expectations, as the individual assesses the likelihood of achieving certain ambitions or goals. Whether this period of review is indeed a crisis remains a topic for further study. Neugarten (1977) has cautioned against assuming that life-events will somehow automatically create life-crises, arguing that unanticipated and/or off-time events are the most likely to produce major stressful reactions. If, during life, individuals come to expect periodic “confrontations” with time, the “developmental task” in later adulthood may be potentially less dramatic than might be expected. The very number of conditional words in the preceding statement begs a research question. Associated with this event for one’s time perspective, and a component of the development task, is the concept of potential or becoming (Markson, 1973). Whether because of socially imposed disengagement, voluntary lessening of activity, or physical decrement, one’s possible accomplishments in the future become a matter of concern. For Butler (1963) the process of a “life-review” intimately involves this personal crisis. Erikson (1959) discussed a similar occurrence in the resolution of his eighth proposed stage--ego integrity vs. despair. While not
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requiring the expectation for doing great things, both frameworks propose that successful resoMion invoIves the decision to make the best of the time remaining. An increased concern for following generations and the world per se may also result, as one’s personal future constricts.
Markson (1973) drew a distinction between “social” (external) and “internal” time. She argued that the decreased structure of social time for older persons removes many of the timetables which provided future expectations and goals at younger ages. Consequently, older adults are said to have greater demands placed on their internal time for coping with and structuring social time. This process of adjustment would, therefore, entail a major shift in the developmental source of future expectations, regardless of whether the expectations themselves changed.
The presentation by Markson (1973) is especially important in its reference to social influences on temporal experience. Much of the material on later adulthood to date is heavily focused in the individual‘s personality. However, Bortner and Hultsch (1974) have discussed the avemge expected life history, and Neugarten (1977) has proposed the normal, expectable life-cycle, where both concepts refer to an overall set of personal, long-range expectations held by the individual. Socialization and group membership are held to be important contributors to developing these expectations (Neugarten & Datan, 1975; Seltzer, 1976). A t the same time, since the individual will very likely engage in periodic re-creations of his/her future expectations, the average expected We Nstory or normal expectable life-cycle, despite trait-like labels, should not be anticipated to remain stable in later adulthood. Societal and more specific family influences should be highlighted as potential factors in the course of reflection and change.
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PUSt
Reminiscence can be most simply defined as thinking about the past. Havighurst and Glasser (1972) have indicated that such concerns may be kept silent, or may become oral. One of the most popularized stereotypes of older adults is the contrast between failing short-term memory co-existing with seeming remarkable recall of events from the distant past. Often coupled with this is the additional stereotype of the older person actually living in the past, irrepressibly preoccupied with stories about “the old days.” Apart from this view of reminiscing as a negative and expected aspect of aging, two major approaches to the function of reminiscence can be identified. McMahon and Rhudick (1967) and C.N. Lewis (1971) described a type of reminiscing phenotypically similar to the stereotype, but genotypically quite different. These authors proposed that when increased past orientation is observed, it may be the result of losses suffered by the older person. In their’ line of reasoning, for all practical purposes the individual feels that the past is all that remains as a source of identity or for retaining status with others. Consequently, a marked increase in past orientation can be considered an adaptation to stress. Neither McMahon and Rhudick nor Lewis purpose that such defensive reminiscence is inevitable. However the demographic facts of adulthood suggest that loss is common for very many older persons. In some contrast is the process of “life-review” (Butler, 1963). Central to the resolution of future potential is a review of one’s past life. While emphasis of the concept is on an individual’s past, the term “review” carries.the risk of being too narrowly interpreted, with the possibility of its future-oriented element being largely ignored. Butler proposed that the realization’ of future mortality initiates an assessment of past successes and failures. The older person must accept the fact that it will not be possible to rectify past mistakes or omissions.
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Strengths and accomplishments can be accepted with justified pride, while most past shortcomings and failures must be acknowledged as now irreparable. When the past has been put in order, the individual is much freer to direct emphasis on the future. Butler does propose the life-review as a naturally occurring and universal process; and M.I. Lewis and Butler (1974) have more recently stated that “the most introspective part of the life-review seems to occur in the 60s and then begins to abate in the 70s and 80s.” (p. 169). The extent to which this broad range of years actually represents a piece of data with high theoretical and practical utility has yet to be determined. Virtually the same description of processes can be given for Erikson’s (1959) final developmental stage-ego integrity vs. despair. In each of these two formulations, the past is not eventually ignored, rather it is given a different perspective. Similar to the reminiscence triggered by loss, the life-review is also an adaptational process. However, while the former type is characterized by an attempt at maintenance against loss, the inner conflicts associated with life-review are ultimately a process of growth, (although significantly, this may not be immediately evident to the person!). There is, in fact, a philosophical or transcendent quality to the entire past-future review process, in which one’s total set of experiences now permit a sort of ultimate perspective on one’s life. In addition, the resolution of the confrontation with time in older adulthood is considered to be very highly dependent on the resolution of previous personality conflicts. Based essentially on psychodynamic concepts, an individual’s ego processes are considered crucial for the resolution of particular crises throughout life (e.g., Erikson, 1959). Successful outcomes permit reinvestment of those processes in subsequent workings of the personality, while partial or incomplete problem-solving may be said to “bind” some ego energy and create obstacles for resolution of later developmental tasks. As a result, it seems conceptually possible that the ease and outcomes of one’s
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confrontation with time in old age might be very dependent upon prior experiences not directly related to temporal experience. Many persons would probably not feel comfortable with this approach as a total’ explanation. However, a psychodynamic approach has often been apparent, when a conceptual framework for time perspective has been advanced. In sum, conceptual discussions of temporal experience in later adulthood lead to the conclusions that both the past and the future are likely to be very important for older adults. Given the proposed orientation of time-to-live-until-death, we might also expect some shifts in time perspective dimensions as the individual ages. However, the apparent complexity involved indicates that inter-individual differences should be expected in when the processes occur, in how they progress, and in their eventual outcomes. Significantly, if not stated in such explicit terms, a key point is that “success” in this process is based upon achieving a personally unique baknce between past and future perspective, rather than an exclusive and universal dominance of either. One point of relative omission, however, appears to be what might be termed present time perspective. That some theoretical sensitivity to the present exists can be seen in Havighurst and Glasser’s (1972) statement that “...we would probably find that the present dominates at all ages except possibly very old age for a few people” (p.245). Additionally, Kastenbaum (1969) has suggested that older adults may become too objective toward their life perspective, constantly attempting to maintain an integrated view of the past, present, and future. As a counterbalance, Kastenbaum recommends that adults more frequently take opportunities to become engrossed in the present. However, the engrossment-perspective relationship has yet to be researched in detail. Future Time Perspective Research Along Specific Dimensions
The preceding discussion outlined general trends and statements regarding temporal perspective. Other studies have
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examined more specific dimensions of future temporality, and will be the primary focus of the remainder of this report. These studies are probably best viewed as emphasizing data at a slightly different level of analysis which, while certainly having theoretical implications, have apparently not been explicitly guided by the concepts previously noted. Therefore, the following sections will not be as closely associated with those prior as might be hoped. Examining this body of time perspective research yields four major conclusions: (a) relatively few generalizations, based on the results of several studies, can be made with some measure of confidence; (b) at the same time, many promising ideas can be found in the data and interpretations of individual reports; (c) several correlates of future time perspective have been investigated, but with little replication; and ( d ) numerous important areas of research exist which have had virtually no attention. Each of these will be discussed in the following sections. General Findings
Of the few results which have been replicated to some extent, instances of correspondence with theory can be seen. However, such “correspondence” must also be taken in perspective, since theory has been global, permitting a t best broad hypotheses; and even these broad hypotheses have been investigated almost exclusively by cross-sectional research. Limited expectations. Several studies, sampling widely if not repeatedly from the various dimensions and techniques of time perspective discussed above, have reported a generally less extensive and “full’’ future perspective among later middle-aged and older adults. Kastenbaum (1963)reported that his intellectually intact, institutionalized older subjects had shorter future extension and less density (even though a maximum of only three events were requested) than a comparison group of young college students. Additionally, using a number of different
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samples yielding a cross-sectional age-range of 13-89,Kastenbaum and Durkee (1964b) requested that their respondents select the three most important years of their lives. From ages 40-44 onward, a steadily decreasing percentage of respondents mentioned a future event, with none of the 61 individuals over age 55 reporting a future year. Of these 61, 49 were hospitalized patients. Similarly, Lowenthal, Thurnher, and Chiriboga (1975) studied male and female high school students, newlyweds, middle-aged adults, and preretirees. Future extension and density were generally less for the group of preretirees, with future time being seen as less “busy” and having fewer anticipated changes. Kuhlen and Monge (1968)reported that both men and women aged 60 and over were more likely than younger adults to feel that time was “running out” and also that fewer had an important objective to be achieved within the next ten or fifteen years. Gergen and Back (1965) proposed that extension and complexity of future time perspective a r e limited in older adults. These authors presented supportive data from judgmental responses which were rated by the authors to involve varying degrees of sensitivity to future possibilities. Direct information on future time perspective was apparently not requested, however. Analyzing the results of a Gallup poll, Back and Bourque (1970) found that older respondents tended to see their younger-adult years as happier, while younger adults tended to have a n optimistic outlook toward the future. Ratings were made by drawing a “life graph’’ using successive years of age as the abscissa. While some sex differences were found, visual inspection of average graph heights suggested that projected satisfaction generally began to decline after age 55 for groups of interviewees aged 55 and beyond. In a later publication also using the life-graph but reporting longitudinal data from a different sample, Bourque and Back (1977) found that the peak again tended to occur around age 55. Interestingly however, the authors reported that when retested, the height of the graphs
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tended to rise, although the extent of the change or possible reasons were not discussed. The authors also reported that older participants consistently drew lower graphs than middle-age persons; and that men and women produced somewhat different graphs, with worhen both peaking and drawing their graphs higher at younger ’ages. Women also were somewhat more consistent regarding the ages a t which their graphs peaked. Comparable evidence regarding an age-associated decline in future outlook was presented by Bortner and Hultsch (1972, 1974) employing 1959 Gallup poll data, and by Hultsch and Bortner (1974) using a time-sequential design with a more contemporary sample. Ratings of personal past ( 5 years), present, and personal future (5 years) were made with an 11-point, selfanchored “Cantril ladder,’’ yielding measures of protension (Present minus Future rating) and retrotension (Past minus Present rating). Although age-groups varied across these studies, a pattern which emerged was that of an association between chronological age and pessimism or subjective deprivation. After age 55 most noticeably, and for both men and women, there were relatively more frequent self-reports of a subjectively deprived 5-year future, whether anticipated to occur, or perceived as a continuation of present subjective deprivations. By approximately age 65, the 5-year past was judged as better relative to the present, and the present as better relative to the 5-year future. Younger respondents were more frequently found to be optimistic, generally rating the present as better than the 5-year past, and the 5-year future as better than the present. In a recent report, Chiriboga (1978) observed that the middle-aged and preretired men and women in his sample differentiated the periods of “young-old” and “old-old” Neugarten (1975), generally viewing the former period more positively and the latter more negatively. In addition, the ages rated negatively were apparently somewhat farther removed from respondents’ present ages than for other reports cited above. Evidence to the contrary. Constructing a rationale to explain a constricted or relatively less “rich” time perspective develop-
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ing in later middle-age and older adulthood is not difficult.
Reports current in the media, or reading any introductory text concerning old age (e.g., Atchley, 1976; Butler & Lewis, 1977; Hendricks & Hendricks, 1977) will reveal a list of possible age-related losses, (e.g., income, health, social contacts, spouse, mobility. ) Furthermore, since the demographic factors of race, education, and socio-economic status appear to be as important for older as for younger adults, the pessimism of some persons may be quite understandable. However, other pieces of information suggest that there is by no means a necessary “type” of future time perspective in the later half of the life-span. Reynolds and Kalish (1974) based upon a sample from four ethnic groups, found that while younger (20-39) and middle-aged (40-59) persons both expected and wished to live for a greater additional number of years beyond their present ages, older respondents generally expected and wished to live longer in total years. Similarly, Drevenstedt (1976) reported that a group of 71 older men and women (60-75+) marked the onsets of middle and old-age at significantly older ages (by 5-8 years) than 279 male and female undergraduates. While not directly from the time perspective literature, a disparity between the investigator’s labelling of “old” and respondents’ self-labelling as “old” is not at all uncommon. Aisenberg (1964), Kastenbaum and Durkee (1964a), Perlin and Butler (1962), Preston (1968), Tuckman and Lorge (19541, and Zola (1962) have all reported large percentages of persons over age 60 who stated that they were not old. In some instances, such assertions have been interpretable as denials of evident age-related losses and impairments. In others, however, labelling of oneself as middle-aged, or a t least as not old, is more interpretable as indicating a self-concept of being healthy and active with a future still to be lived. Possibly reflecting such an attitude, Ahammer and Baltes (1972) found that a group of older adults (64-74), persons aged 34-40, and adolescents (15-18) rated themselves comparably on the personality dimensions of affiliation, achievement, autonomy, and nurturance.
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Drawing more directly from time perspective research, interviewing a group of 276 centenarians, Costa and Kastenbaum (1967) stated that about one-third expressed various types of future ambition, some of which were admitted to be unrealistic. Lowenthal et al. (1975) found that their preretirees were comparably oriented toward the future with other groups, despite their apparently less “full” or “busy” expectations. Moreover, some respondents indicated a desire to perform current acts that would benefit society after they had died. Eson and Greenfield (1962)requested persons aged 936-69to recall and evaluate the content of recent thoughts and conversation. The several age groups emphasized the near future (up to two days ahead) more than any other category, with the distant future (more than two days ahead) ranking second. The near past and distant past ranked third and fourth respectively. Taken across all categories, the total future span was reported by each age group more often than the total span of past time. Similarly, positive affect was consistently emphasized over negative affect, especially in relation to future events. Unfortunately, only men were in the three older age ranges: 24-27,34-39,60-69.Fink (1957) examined the time orientation of institutionalized and noninstitutionalized men aged 50-60 and 61-76.The community residents were found to have a much more pronounced future orientation than institutionalized residents, although the older community residing men (aged 61-76)were also somewhat less future and more past oriented than the younger men. However, both younger and older institutionalized men were predominantly and comparably past oriented. Fink concluded that institutionalization has a “leveling effect” on time orientation (referred to as time perspective in his article). Giambra (1977) investigating daydreams cross-sectionally with persons aged 17-92, found little evidence for future daydreams to be markedly less prevalent in older age-groups. Correlations between future daydreams and age were significant but modest (males, r = -261,p
Experimental Aging Research: An International Journal Devoted to the Scientific Study of the Aging Process Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/uear20
Future time perspective in later adulthood: Review and research directions William Rakowski
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Department of Community Health Programs School of Public Health , University of Michigan , Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48109 Published online: 28 Sep 2007.
To cite this article: William Rakowski (1979) Future time perspective in later adulthood: Review and research directions, Experimental Aging Research: An International Journal Devoted to the Scientific Study of the Aging Process, 5:1, 43-88, DOI: 10.1080/03610737908257187 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03610737908257187
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FUTURE TIME PERSPECTIVE IN LATER ADULTHOOD: REVIEW AND RESEARCH DIRECTIONS WILLIAM RAKOWSKI Department of Community Health Programs School of Public Heakh Universityof Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109 Rakowski, W. Future time perspective in later adulthood: Review and research directions. Experimental Aging Reseamh. 1979, 5(1), 43-88. The degree of experimental and quantitative detail which can be imposed on older adults’ temporal experiences remains a significant area for investigation. This paper surveys material related to this general area of study, taking primarily a psychological focus. Review of this literature suggests that while a basic future time orientation is not significantly affected in later life, older adults are at-risk of developing a less extended and less full personal future. However, research has been almost exclusively cross-sectional, and our empirical knowledge concerning the functional impact of such changes, should they occur, is minimal. In addition, although several correlates of older adults’ future time perspective have been reported, normative directions of causal relationship have not been determined. Consequently, while much of our data are varied, interesting, and insightful, they are at present difficult to organize or apply. Research should be pursued on several fronts, including prospective designs, the use of time perspective as a predictor and outcome variable, model development, and close association with temporal concepts in social gerontology.
Temporal experience--an individual’s view of the past, present, and future-as it occurs in the later decades of life has been a focus of attention for many persons interested in the course of adult development and change (e.g., Biihler, 1968; This report was prepared in part while the author was supported as a National Institute on Aging Post-Doctoral Fellow, under PHS grant number I-T32-AG00002-01AlI at the address listed. Reprint requests and other correspondence may be sent to the author, Dept. of Community Health Programs, Health Gerontology, School of Public Health, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, 48109.
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Butler, 1963; Gould, 1972; Green, 1975; Kastenbaum, 1961, 1966, 1969,1975,1977b;Kuhlen, 1964; Markson, 1973; Neugarten, 1977; Neugarten & Datan, 1975). Terms such as temporality, futurity, reminiscence, life perspective, life review, time orientation, future expectations and time perspective are among those frequently encountered. In this context, temporality should be distinguished from time perception, where the latter term denotes research concerned with the estimation o r production of short intervals of clock time. While the two areas may have some relationship (Feifel, 1957), their lines of study have developed independently, so that time perception research will be largely excluded from the present discussion. Even with this basic restriction the scope of possible topics which can be subsumed under the umbrella of temporality is broad, including its treatment as a general personality characteristic; as a sociological concept, such as age-graded expectations and social time; as a clinical process and outcome variable; or as a dimension of topically specific attitudes and beliefs (e.g. health, morale, .occupation). In addition, it is possible to discuss temporal experience in terms of three commonly accepted time zones--past, present, and future. The richness of the temporal concept is quickly evident to anyone examining the literature, while a t the same time implying that any review should both carefully define its focus and accept the risk of critique for excluding information considered pertinent by others. This report represents a review of psychologically-oriented research data on future temporality in later adulthood, with the objective of summarizing attempts to empirically assess and establish age-related trends and antecedents. Temporality will be treated as a general dimension of personality, not being examined in relation to a given topical area of attitudes or beliefs (e.g., health, morale, parenting, occupation). The implicit orientation underlying this paper and the data which are highlighted, is an emphasis on the quantifiability of future expectations, and their overall amenability to research study. It
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is the present author’s basic position that such an emphasis
constitutes one of many valid approaches to the study and understanding of later adult temporality, which despite having been a general research strategy, remains an area at the relative beginning of its most significant undertakings. It is the author’s further contention that the ultimate goal of such research is to empirically determine the limits to which temporal experience can in fact be usefully quantified or categorized, in helping to understand the processes of personenvironment interaction occurring in daily life. The issue has by no means yet been determined. The discussion which follows in no way intends to imply that research and theory be kept isolated. In fact, research data tends to support many general statements of conceptual discussions to date. Such correspondence will be indicated at appropriate points. It also appears to be the case, however, that such conceptual discussions have been at a level of generality not conducive to precise prediction, so that empirical findings have great potential importance in the necessary interplay of theory and data. Before discussing pertinent gerontological literature, some introductory comments are offered in the following section. It should be noted that research studies on temporality often employ the designation of “time perspective.” To the extent that ‘temporality” denotes a broad phenomenological field of experience and a correspondingly broad area of study, the present author generally finds it convenient to treat the term time perspective” as representing attempts to abstract, operationalize, and to some degree quantify those experiences. (For primarily non-quantitative, conceptual discussions, ‘temporal perspective” may be an appropriate parallel construct. ) GENERALBACKGROUND Defihing the nature of time perspective presents no less of a problem than encountered for any other psychological construct or personality characteristic. Comprehensive working definitions
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appear to be well-presented in three sources. In their revfew of (1960) literature on temporal experience, Wallace and -bin stated that time perspective concerned “the study of ‘macroevents’ revolving around the relationships between persons’ past, present, and future within their phenomenological frames of reference’’ (p. 213). Kastenbaum (1965) made a similar point even more strongly: “If we take seriously the ‘perspective’ in ‘time perspective’ then it is apparent that there must always be at least two reference points and a relationship between the points. A person who thinks exclusively of the future, for example, does not have a strong future time perspective-he has no time perspective at all. It is the person who manages to keep the past, present, and future in mind who has the opportunity of developing a genuine perspective.” (p. 199)
Finally, Lewin (1952) has defined time perspective as “the totality of the individual’s views of his psychological future and psychological past existing at a given time” (p. 75). While key definitional terms such as “relationships,” “reference points,” and “totality” are clearly in need of elaboration, these descriptions directly propose the existence of an “inner” life-space, populated by events and activities with a personally meaningful content and order, and toward which individuals hold certain judgmental and/or emotional reactions. It is therefore necessary and appropriate to initially approach a discussion of time perspective by identifying two potentially different orientations. To the person, time perspective is probably best approached as a private world of memories, current concerns of the present, and future expectations. The somewhat different life experiences and living situations among people give this facet of the concept a sense of personal uniqueness. A conscious or deliberated logical awareness of interrelationships that may exist, let alone at the level of time estimates or rating scales (e.g., how far into the future do I plan for things?, how certain a m I of my future?), is not necessarily implied. In fact, for many persons the term “time perspective’’ may generate more confusion than it will elicit usable data.
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To the researcher, as reflected in scientific reports, time perspective has been a set of dimensions which attempt to represent this experience, abstracting characteristics of temporal experience judged to have general applicability irrespective of individual differences in content. Time perspective is also a set of techniques and instruments used to operationalize the various dimensions, so that any one dimension may be assessed through several methods. Finally, time perspective appears to be a useful individual difference variable, based on the results of studies which have: (a) examined the responses of “normals” compared with various groups of “abnormals” (e.g., Barndt & Johnson, 1955; Brayley & Freed, 1971; Cheek & Laucius, 1971; Evans & Dinning, 1977; Henik & Domino, 1975; Landau, 1976; Roos & Albers, 1965a, 196513;Wallace, 1956); and (b) investigated psychosocial correlates of time perspective dimensions (e.g., Bascue & Lawrence, 1977; Cottle, 1969; Lessing, 1968; O’Rand & Ellis, 1974; Platt & Eisenman, 1968; Platt & Taylor, 1967; Robertson, 1978,Tehan, 1958; Toban, 1970; Yonge, 1975).
Essentially, therefore, the notion of an abstracted, quantifiable “time perspective’’ represents a construction by theoreticians and researchers, which despite being supported by data, is a point well to keep in mind when designing questionnaires or interview protocols and conducting studies. Furthermore, due to this distinction, an individual’s “future expectations” may be somewhat separable from an abstracted and quantified “future time perspective” ; while ‘reminiscence” or “life-review” (Butler, 1963; Havighurst & Glasser, 1972) may be distinguished in part from “past time perspective.” Similarly, the concept of temporality or total “life perspective” (Kastenbaum, 1969) may denote a broader phenomenal context than that encompassed by the term “time perspective.” Much of whether the dichotomy will exist and require emphasis in a research report depends on the variety and range of dimensions selected by the investigator. At the same time, as any given time perspective index becomes more qualitative, less precisely measured, or broader in scope, identification of the construct for purposes of analysis as a
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dependent or independent variable also becomes less exact, possibly to the extent of blending with other constructs. However, this may be at times a necessary cost to prevent too narrow an interpretation. Therefore, the domain of time perspective has somewhat indefinite boundaries, in itself certainly not a unique state of affairs. Several dimensions do appear more often and are considered more representative than others, however. Those cited here have, in varying degrees, received some attention in research with older adults. The most basic is time orientation, referring simply to the relative dominance of the past, present, and future in an individual’s thinking. Somewhat more detailed is the dimension of extension, ’often based on reported life-events and their estimated ages of occurrence, and which can be defined as the length of past, present, future, or total life time considered by the individual. Extension is probably the best example of the quantitative emphasis often taken by time perspective research. Another frequent index is density, operationalized by the number of life-events (e.g., Costa & Kastenbaum, 1967), or percent of committed time (Schonfield, 1973),which are reported in any or all of the three time zones. The assumption is that a greater number or higher percentage represents the relative “fullness,” “business,” or “richness” of the expected future or remembered past. A general evaluative dimension has also been investigated (e.g., Back & Bourque, 1970; Bourque & Back, 1977; Chiriboga, 1978; Eson & Greenfield, 1962; Hultsch & Bortner, 1974).
Coherence has been defined by the stability of two separate rank orderings of a set of life-events (Kastenbaum, 1961; Wallace, 1956); and directionulity generally refers to the perceived speed of movement from the present to the future, a concept not necessarily the same as time perception (i.e., assessing the accuracy of the judged duration, or actual
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production, of a stimulus over a short interval of clock time). Probably the most difficult characteristic to operationalize is that of integration among the three time zones, such as the manner in which present expectations may promote reinterpretations of past actions, or the process by which experiences from ybuth influence the individual’s determination of what are realistic future possibilities. A more thorough review of dimensions and techniques can be found in Hoomaert (1973). Before proceeding, the reader should note that much of the methodology in future time perspective research to date, and many of its dimensions, are based on explicit reports or implicit expectations of, (a) life-events, and (b) their estimated ages of occurrence. These are more likely to be conducive than are processes or states (e.g., happiness, security, becoming) for calculating a discrete value easily incorporated into statistical analyses. TIME PERSPECTIVE IN LATER ADULTHOOD General Concepts and Trends in Temporal Perspective
Theories or models involving specific past or future time perspective dimensions, whether abstract or in relation to applied concerns in the study of development in later adulthood, are not a t all common in the gerontological literature. One exception encountered by the present author is Lowenthal’s (1971) placement of time perspective as one of several intervening variables influencing goal--behavior adjustment during the course of life transitions. Even here, treatment was necessarily light, given the scope of her framework and presentation. On a more general level, however, several authors have made attempts to portray the temporal experience of older adults and the aging process. Such reports commonly have a basis in research data, with authors abstracting salient
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individual characteristics of, or apparent trends in, life-span
temporality and temporal perspective. Highlighting of data to elaborate numerous specific dimensions of temporal experience is likely to be de-emphasized in favor of holistic descriptions, often accompanied by representative personal statements from respondents. Often, these have been phrased in the context of a ‘‘developmental task” of personality growth. The identification of expectable stages of temporal experience has been a frequent objective, often with the additional implication that a t least certain experiences and processes are a natural concommitant of aging. These efforts have provided important data and insights, despite the fact that their relatively broad strokes can not yet be considered highly predictive of specific daily behaviors. They also present numerous opportunities for research, especially of a longitudinal nature, whether for applied or further theorybuilding purposes. While the present paper emphasizes future time perspective, one positive observation concerning these reports is that past and future .have often been discussed in an integrated fashion, with the objective of taking a person’s overall temporal perspective into consideration. As a ,result, although separate reviews of past and future are likely to understate the arguments of various writers, individual presentation of each author would produce unnecessary redundancy. Consequently, basic findings and ideas related to both past and future time perspective will be presented, under separate headings, while trying to verbally indicate points of association. Any interested reader is urged to consult the original sources for further discussion, since all details of these reports can not be easily summarized. Future
Probably the most encompassing statement agreed upon by several authors (Butler, 1963; Cumming & Henry, 1961; Erikson, 1959; Gould, 1972; Green, 1975; Kastenbaum, 1966, 1969, 1975;
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Neugarten, 1968, 1977; Vischer, 1961/1967) is that at some point in later adulthood a confrontation with time occurs, triggered by a personal realization of mortality. Reassessments and re-creations of temporal perspective are acknowledged to occur at points throughout the life-span. However, the review process at this time is considered to be somewhat unique. More specifically, because of this crisis (as often designated), it is believed that most older adults undergo a shift in perspective from time-livedsince-birth to time-to-live-until-death. Essentially life is now accepted as having a final limit. Until this time death is acknowledged to exist, but has little place in what might be called one’s real or “logical” future (Cottle & Klineberg, 1974). A restriction of an individual’s personal projection into the future is considered possible and justified (e.g., Butler, 1974). Additionally, the realization of finitude may result in qualitative shifts in personal expectations, as the individual assesses the likelihood of achieving certain ambitions or goals. Whether this period of review is indeed a crisis remains a topic for further study. Neugarten (1977) has cautioned against assuming that life-events will somehow automatically create life-crises, arguing that unanticipated and/or off-time events are the most likely to produce major stressful reactions. If, during life, individuals come to expect periodic “confrontations” with time, the “developmental task” in later adulthood may be potentially less dramatic than might be expected. The very number of conditional words in the preceding statement begs a research question. Associated with this event for one’s time perspective, and a component of the development task, is the concept of potential or becoming (Markson, 1973). Whether because of socially imposed disengagement, voluntary lessening of activity, or physical decrement, one’s possible accomplishments in the future become a matter of concern. For Butler (1963) the process of a “life-review” intimately involves this personal crisis. Erikson (1959) discussed a similar occurrence in the resolution of his eighth proposed stage--ego integrity vs. despair. While not
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requiring the expectation for doing great things, both frameworks propose that successful resoMion invoIves the decision to make the best of the time remaining. An increased concern for following generations and the world per se may also result, as one’s personal future constricts.
Markson (1973) drew a distinction between “social” (external) and “internal” time. She argued that the decreased structure of social time for older persons removes many of the timetables which provided future expectations and goals at younger ages. Consequently, older adults are said to have greater demands placed on their internal time for coping with and structuring social time. This process of adjustment would, therefore, entail a major shift in the developmental source of future expectations, regardless of whether the expectations themselves changed.
The presentation by Markson (1973) is especially important in its reference to social influences on temporal experience. Much of the material on later adulthood to date is heavily focused in the individual‘s personality. However, Bortner and Hultsch (1974) have discussed the avemge expected life history, and Neugarten (1977) has proposed the normal, expectable life-cycle, where both concepts refer to an overall set of personal, long-range expectations held by the individual. Socialization and group membership are held to be important contributors to developing these expectations (Neugarten & Datan, 1975; Seltzer, 1976). A t the same time, since the individual will very likely engage in periodic re-creations of his/her future expectations, the average expected We Nstory or normal expectable life-cycle, despite trait-like labels, should not be anticipated to remain stable in later adulthood. Societal and more specific family influences should be highlighted as potential factors in the course of reflection and change.
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PUSt
Reminiscence can be most simply defined as thinking about the past. Havighurst and Glasser (1972) have indicated that such concerns may be kept silent, or may become oral. One of the most popularized stereotypes of older adults is the contrast between failing short-term memory co-existing with seeming remarkable recall of events from the distant past. Often coupled with this is the additional stereotype of the older person actually living in the past, irrepressibly preoccupied with stories about “the old days.” Apart from this view of reminiscing as a negative and expected aspect of aging, two major approaches to the function of reminiscence can be identified. McMahon and Rhudick (1967) and C.N. Lewis (1971) described a type of reminiscing phenotypically similar to the stereotype, but genotypically quite different. These authors proposed that when increased past orientation is observed, it may be the result of losses suffered by the older person. In their’ line of reasoning, for all practical purposes the individual feels that the past is all that remains as a source of identity or for retaining status with others. Consequently, a marked increase in past orientation can be considered an adaptation to stress. Neither McMahon and Rhudick nor Lewis purpose that such defensive reminiscence is inevitable. However the demographic facts of adulthood suggest that loss is common for very many older persons. In some contrast is the process of “life-review” (Butler, 1963). Central to the resolution of future potential is a review of one’s past life. While emphasis of the concept is on an individual’s past, the term “review” carries.the risk of being too narrowly interpreted, with the possibility of its future-oriented element being largely ignored. Butler proposed that the realization’ of future mortality initiates an assessment of past successes and failures. The older person must accept the fact that it will not be possible to rectify past mistakes or omissions.
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Strengths and accomplishments can be accepted with justified pride, while most past shortcomings and failures must be acknowledged as now irreparable. When the past has been put in order, the individual is much freer to direct emphasis on the future. Butler does propose the life-review as a naturally occurring and universal process; and M.I. Lewis and Butler (1974) have more recently stated that “the most introspective part of the life-review seems to occur in the 60s and then begins to abate in the 70s and 80s.” (p. 169). The extent to which this broad range of years actually represents a piece of data with high theoretical and practical utility has yet to be determined. Virtually the same description of processes can be given for Erikson’s (1959) final developmental stage-ego integrity vs. despair. In each of these two formulations, the past is not eventually ignored, rather it is given a different perspective. Similar to the reminiscence triggered by loss, the life-review is also an adaptational process. However, while the former type is characterized by an attempt at maintenance against loss, the inner conflicts associated with life-review are ultimately a process of growth, (although significantly, this may not be immediately evident to the person!). There is, in fact, a philosophical or transcendent quality to the entire past-future review process, in which one’s total set of experiences now permit a sort of ultimate perspective on one’s life. In addition, the resolution of the confrontation with time in older adulthood is considered to be very highly dependent on the resolution of previous personality conflicts. Based essentially on psychodynamic concepts, an individual’s ego processes are considered crucial for the resolution of particular crises throughout life (e.g., Erikson, 1959). Successful outcomes permit reinvestment of those processes in subsequent workings of the personality, while partial or incomplete problem-solving may be said to “bind” some ego energy and create obstacles for resolution of later developmental tasks. As a result, it seems conceptually possible that the ease and outcomes of one’s
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confrontation with time in old age might be very dependent upon prior experiences not directly related to temporal experience. Many persons would probably not feel comfortable with this approach as a total’ explanation. However, a psychodynamic approach has often been apparent, when a conceptual framework for time perspective has been advanced. In sum, conceptual discussions of temporal experience in later adulthood lead to the conclusions that both the past and the future are likely to be very important for older adults. Given the proposed orientation of time-to-live-until-death, we might also expect some shifts in time perspective dimensions as the individual ages. However, the apparent complexity involved indicates that inter-individual differences should be expected in when the processes occur, in how they progress, and in their eventual outcomes. Significantly, if not stated in such explicit terms, a key point is that “success” in this process is based upon achieving a personally unique baknce between past and future perspective, rather than an exclusive and universal dominance of either. One point of relative omission, however, appears to be what might be termed present time perspective. That some theoretical sensitivity to the present exists can be seen in Havighurst and Glasser’s (1972) statement that “...we would probably find that the present dominates at all ages except possibly very old age for a few people” (p.245). Additionally, Kastenbaum (1969) has suggested that older adults may become too objective toward their life perspective, constantly attempting to maintain an integrated view of the past, present, and future. As a counterbalance, Kastenbaum recommends that adults more frequently take opportunities to become engrossed in the present. However, the engrossment-perspective relationship has yet to be researched in detail. Future Time Perspective Research Along Specific Dimensions
The preceding discussion outlined general trends and statements regarding temporal perspective. Other studies have
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examined more specific dimensions of future temporality, and will be the primary focus of the remainder of this report. These studies are probably best viewed as emphasizing data at a slightly different level of analysis which, while certainly having theoretical implications, have apparently not been explicitly guided by the concepts previously noted. Therefore, the following sections will not be as closely associated with those prior as might be hoped. Examining this body of time perspective research yields four major conclusions: (a) relatively few generalizations, based on the results of several studies, can be made with some measure of confidence; (b) at the same time, many promising ideas can be found in the data and interpretations of individual reports; (c) several correlates of future time perspective have been investigated, but with little replication; and ( d ) numerous important areas of research exist which have had virtually no attention. Each of these will be discussed in the following sections. General Findings
Of the few results which have been replicated to some extent, instances of correspondence with theory can be seen. However, such “correspondence” must also be taken in perspective, since theory has been global, permitting a t best broad hypotheses; and even these broad hypotheses have been investigated almost exclusively by cross-sectional research. Limited expectations. Several studies, sampling widely if not repeatedly from the various dimensions and techniques of time perspective discussed above, have reported a generally less extensive and “full’’ future perspective among later middle-aged and older adults. Kastenbaum (1963)reported that his intellectually intact, institutionalized older subjects had shorter future extension and less density (even though a maximum of only three events were requested) than a comparison group of young college students. Additionally, using a number of different
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samples yielding a cross-sectional age-range of 13-89,Kastenbaum and Durkee (1964b) requested that their respondents select the three most important years of their lives. From ages 40-44 onward, a steadily decreasing percentage of respondents mentioned a future event, with none of the 61 individuals over age 55 reporting a future year. Of these 61, 49 were hospitalized patients. Similarly, Lowenthal, Thurnher, and Chiriboga (1975) studied male and female high school students, newlyweds, middle-aged adults, and preretirees. Future extension and density were generally less for the group of preretirees, with future time being seen as less “busy” and having fewer anticipated changes. Kuhlen and Monge (1968)reported that both men and women aged 60 and over were more likely than younger adults to feel that time was “running out” and also that fewer had an important objective to be achieved within the next ten or fifteen years. Gergen and Back (1965) proposed that extension and complexity of future time perspective a r e limited in older adults. These authors presented supportive data from judgmental responses which were rated by the authors to involve varying degrees of sensitivity to future possibilities. Direct information on future time perspective was apparently not requested, however. Analyzing the results of a Gallup poll, Back and Bourque (1970) found that older respondents tended to see their younger-adult years as happier, while younger adults tended to have a n optimistic outlook toward the future. Ratings were made by drawing a “life graph’’ using successive years of age as the abscissa. While some sex differences were found, visual inspection of average graph heights suggested that projected satisfaction generally began to decline after age 55 for groups of interviewees aged 55 and beyond. In a later publication also using the life-graph but reporting longitudinal data from a different sample, Bourque and Back (1977) found that the peak again tended to occur around age 55. Interestingly however, the authors reported that when retested, the height of the graphs
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tended to rise, although the extent of the change or possible reasons were not discussed. The authors also reported that older participants consistently drew lower graphs than middle-age persons; and that men and women produced somewhat different graphs, with worhen both peaking and drawing their graphs higher at younger ’ages. Women also were somewhat more consistent regarding the ages a t which their graphs peaked. Comparable evidence regarding an age-associated decline in future outlook was presented by Bortner and Hultsch (1972, 1974) employing 1959 Gallup poll data, and by Hultsch and Bortner (1974) using a time-sequential design with a more contemporary sample. Ratings of personal past ( 5 years), present, and personal future (5 years) were made with an 11-point, selfanchored “Cantril ladder,’’ yielding measures of protension (Present minus Future rating) and retrotension (Past minus Present rating). Although age-groups varied across these studies, a pattern which emerged was that of an association between chronological age and pessimism or subjective deprivation. After age 55 most noticeably, and for both men and women, there were relatively more frequent self-reports of a subjectively deprived 5-year future, whether anticipated to occur, or perceived as a continuation of present subjective deprivations. By approximately age 65, the 5-year past was judged as better relative to the present, and the present as better relative to the 5-year future. Younger respondents were more frequently found to be optimistic, generally rating the present as better than the 5-year past, and the 5-year future as better than the present. In a recent report, Chiriboga (1978) observed that the middle-aged and preretired men and women in his sample differentiated the periods of “young-old” and “old-old” Neugarten (1975), generally viewing the former period more positively and the latter more negatively. In addition, the ages rated negatively were apparently somewhat farther removed from respondents’ present ages than for other reports cited above. Evidence to the contrary. Constructing a rationale to explain a constricted or relatively less “rich” time perspective develop-
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ing in later middle-age and older adulthood is not difficult.
Reports current in the media, or reading any introductory text concerning old age (e.g., Atchley, 1976; Butler & Lewis, 1977; Hendricks & Hendricks, 1977) will reveal a list of possible age-related losses, (e.g., income, health, social contacts, spouse, mobility. ) Furthermore, since the demographic factors of race, education, and socio-economic status appear to be as important for older as for younger adults, the pessimism of some persons may be quite understandable. However, other pieces of information suggest that there is by no means a necessary “type” of future time perspective in the later half of the life-span. Reynolds and Kalish (1974) based upon a sample from four ethnic groups, found that while younger (20-39) and middle-aged (40-59) persons both expected and wished to live for a greater additional number of years beyond their present ages, older respondents generally expected and wished to live longer in total years. Similarly, Drevenstedt (1976) reported that a group of 71 older men and women (60-75+) marked the onsets of middle and old-age at significantly older ages (by 5-8 years) than 279 male and female undergraduates. While not directly from the time perspective literature, a disparity between the investigator’s labelling of “old” and respondents’ self-labelling as “old” is not at all uncommon. Aisenberg (1964), Kastenbaum and Durkee (1964a), Perlin and Butler (1962), Preston (1968), Tuckman and Lorge (19541, and Zola (1962) have all reported large percentages of persons over age 60 who stated that they were not old. In some instances, such assertions have been interpretable as denials of evident age-related losses and impairments. In others, however, labelling of oneself as middle-aged, or a t least as not old, is more interpretable as indicating a self-concept of being healthy and active with a future still to be lived. Possibly reflecting such an attitude, Ahammer and Baltes (1972) found that a group of older adults (64-74), persons aged 34-40, and adolescents (15-18) rated themselves comparably on the personality dimensions of affiliation, achievement, autonomy, and nurturance.
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Drawing more directly from time perspective research, interviewing a group of 276 centenarians, Costa and Kastenbaum (1967) stated that about one-third expressed various types of future ambition, some of which were admitted to be unrealistic. Lowenthal et al. (1975) found that their preretirees were comparably oriented toward the future with other groups, despite their apparently less “full” or “busy” expectations. Moreover, some respondents indicated a desire to perform current acts that would benefit society after they had died. Eson and Greenfield (1962)requested persons aged 936-69to recall and evaluate the content of recent thoughts and conversation. The several age groups emphasized the near future (up to two days ahead) more than any other category, with the distant future (more than two days ahead) ranking second. The near past and distant past ranked third and fourth respectively. Taken across all categories, the total future span was reported by each age group more often than the total span of past time. Similarly, positive affect was consistently emphasized over negative affect, especially in relation to future events. Unfortunately, only men were in the three older age ranges: 24-27,34-39,60-69.Fink (1957) examined the time orientation of institutionalized and noninstitutionalized men aged 50-60 and 61-76.The community residents were found to have a much more pronounced future orientation than institutionalized residents, although the older community residing men (aged 61-76)were also somewhat less future and more past oriented than the younger men. However, both younger and older institutionalized men were predominantly and comparably past oriented. Fink concluded that institutionalization has a “leveling effect” on time orientation (referred to as time perspective in his article). Giambra (1977) investigating daydreams cross-sectionally with persons aged 17-92, found little evidence for future daydreams to be markedly less prevalent in older age-groups. Correlations between future daydreams and age were significant but modest (males, r = -261,p
