Journal of Child & Adolescent Mental Health

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Africa's orphan crisis — is it the teacher's concern? Marike W de Witt To cite this article: Marike W de Witt (2007) Africa's orphan crisis — is it the teacher's concern?, Journal of Child & Adolescent Mental Health, 19:1, 75-82, DOI: 10.2989/17280580709486637 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/17280580709486637

Published online: 12 Nov 2009.

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Journal of Child and Adolescent Mental Health 2007, 19(1): 75–82 Printed in South Africa — All rights reserved

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JOURNAL OF CHILD AND ADOLESCENT MENTAL HEALTH EISSN 1728–0591

Clinical Perspective Africa’s orphan crisis — is it the teacher’s concern?

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Marike W de Witt Department of Teacher Education, University of South Africa, PO Box 392, Pretoria 0003, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

The fact that almost 15% of children in 11 of the 43 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are orphans is daunting indeed. This reality of large numbers of orphans should be one of sub-Saharan Africa’s greatest concerns. It is not only the emotional impact of the pandemic that is at stake, but also the social and economic fabric of entire societies. Up until now, very little attention has been given to the fact that these children must grow towards adulthood without the guidance of their parents. The focus of this study is therefore formulated in the following research question: what do orphans need to reach adulthood, and how can teachers support them in reaching responsible adulthood? In identifying what defines adulthood in a specific context, the researcher has a closer look at the role of cultural value systems. The assumption is made that culture is a broad abstraction that includes a society’s forms of knowledge, belief systems, languages, religion and values; these become imperative in guiding children towards adulthood. Deriving from this assumption that culture and context play a vital role in people’s understanding of the concept of adulthood, one can assume that this understanding will be different for each particular group. In the absence of parents, the school can be seen as the most important agent (loco parentis) in addressing the needs of vulnerable children. Planning a curriculum that addresses the needs of these vulnerable children will have to be reconsidered. The full impact of the diversity of learners and their communities will have to be accommodated in all planning. As the number of orphans in schools increases, and the role of teachers in guiding these young learners to adulthood becomes more prominent, it is recommended that a thorough investigation be conducted into the importance of individual and community interpretations of ‘proper adulthood’ within individual communities.

Introduction Deadlier than war, deadlier than tyranny, deadlier even than malaria, AIDS is silently tearing Africa apart. The epidemic is throwing millions of households into turmoil. Often the middle generation is wiped out, and children and the elderly are left to fend for themselves. (Guest 2003: ix) Although estimates might differ of the number of orphans to be expected in the near future, the fact cannot be ignored that the reality of large numbers of orphans should be one of sub-Saharan Africa’s greatest concerns. According to the UNICEF report ‘Girls, HIV/AIDS and Education’ (2005), the global number of AIDS orphans shot up from 11.5 million in 2001 to 15 million in 2003. Aids Africa reports that numbers will increase from fewer than a million in 1999 to an estimated 20 million in 2010 (Aids Africa 2005). This correlates with the numbers given by Young and Gander (2005) of 12.3 million in 2003 and 18.4 million orphans in 2010. According to Backhurst, Collen and Young (2004), all this may seem remote to most of us, and yet it describes the reality of our world. The fact that almost 15% of children in 11 of the 43

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countries in sub-Saharan Africa are orphans is daunting (UNICEF 2005). But this is a reality that we will have to confront on our continent, in order to address and ameliorate the fate of many children and families. Apart from the emotional suffering of children, it is the social and economic fabric of entire societies that is at stake, in sub-Saharan Africa in particular (Backhurst et al. 2004). Although orphanhood is not only as a result of AIDS, it is common knowledge that this illness, to a great extent, contributes to it (Giese, Meintjies and Chamberlain 2002). Njoko (2000, cited by de Witt and Lessing 2005) describes the agony of a mother diagnosed with HIV in these words: ‘I wondered what would happen to my son after my death. I wondered how people would treat him once I had left for the new place ... I was thinking “how is he going to face life without me?”’. Another study by Goggin et al. (2001) reported the same concern expressed by dying mothers. They found that mothers with the disease experience feelings of guilt and great concern about the effect of their illness on their children and family and are concerned about child care and caregivers in the future (see for example de Witt and Lessing 2005). Statement of the problem The magnitude of the AIDS orphan crisis calls for urgent attention from African governments, NGOs and international donors, and all stakeholders (Guest 2003). The death of a parent is a crisis for any child; orphans no longer have the security, love, support, guidance and stability of loving parents and in some cases even have to fulfill the role of parents for younger siblings in the home. This may result in the lack of a secure home environment, and losing a link with the past and the possibility of a shared future. This dilemma cries out for sufficient attention to be given to the special needs of these vulnerable children (Dane and Lewin 1994, Fleming in Wild 2001). Most of the research regarding orphans concentrates on stressors such as children having to carry out household chores; providing food; perceived different treatment in the parentless home; the nature and level of communication with caregivers or guardians; the responsibility of heading the household; the children’s own current health status and access to health services; school attendance; whether or not they participate in support groups (Atwine, Cantor-Graae and Bajunrwe 2005). Up to now, very little attention has been given to the fact that these children must grow towards adulthood without the guidance of their parents. From an educational perspective, the guiding of these children to responsible adulthood raises a variety of questions. If parents cannot fulfill the task of guiding their children to adulthood, who should do this? What are the ultimate aims of adulthood? What will the result be if no adults intervene in the rearing of orphaned children? Can any other agent take up the role of the parent? Who might these agents be? The fact that most children will at some stage be in school makes schools the most obvious agents for addressing these dilemmas. The following question can be formulated: what do orphans need to reach adulthood, and how can teachers support them so that they reach responsible adulthood? Although the quality of education has indeed dropped in many regions in Africa, and the illness and death of qualified personnel means that the competent management of education systems is threatened with complete breakdown, the role of schools and teachers nonetheless seems to play an increasingly crucial role, in the absence of parents (UNICEF 2005). Background Although the term ‘HIV/AIDS orphan’ is becoming commonplace, no-one working in the field, who sees death daily, can understand why everyone else doesn’t share his or her sense of panic and become involved in trying to find solutions. As already stated, the projections for the numbers of AIDS orphans in sub-Saharan Africa are terrifying and, according to Guest (2003), without help and intervention, many of these children may end up uneducated, alienated and on the streets. In certain cases, these children are taken into foster homes or shelters, where they are cared for (Guest 2001), but with the estimated numbers increasing so dramatically, this solution seems to

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be no longer viable. As the numbers increase, the only ‘solution’ is that many orphans will end up living alone in their villages. According to Pequegnat and Szapocznik (2002) and Guest (2003), in South Africa the whole middle generation is often wiped out, and children and the elderly are left to fend for themselves. A likely outcome of parents’ deaths is that orphans are at risk for powerful cumulative and often negative effects. They are vulnerable, and subjected to serious physical, economic and psychological risks (Sengendo and Nambi 1997). In these cases, children struggle on alone in their parents’ houses. As a result, child-headed households have become a new phenomenon, which should be taken into consideration by local communities and in certain countries’ social planning. If these children are lucky, the community might check that they have food to eat and are healthy, but if nobody cares, their futures may well look very bleak indeed (Guest 2003). UNICEF (in Sengendo and Nambi 1997) note pathetic situations where grandparents with minimal state pensions are compelled to care for their orphaned grandchildren, while they themselves are elderly and should be enjoying their children’s support. These grandparents are less able to provide adequate discipline, adequate socialisation or even address the basic needs of nutrition, clothing, shelter and health care (Sengendo and Nambi 1997). In the worst cases, relatives steal orphans’ inheritances and leave them with nothing (Guest 2003). Studies on orphaned children have not yet examined the full psychological and sociocultural impact of not being nurtured by parents. Not only do adoptive parents or caregivers frequently lack information about orphanhood, they are often motivated to support children only by a sense of duty, and are therefore very often unable to offer sufficient socio-emotional and educational support. On the other hand, in the school setting, teachers may be able to support the children to some extent, but do not always know how to identify psychological and social or other problems. Consequently, caregivers and teachers fail to offer individual and group attention that can meet these children’s needs (Sengendo and Nambi 1997). If teachers and caregivers were able to identify psychological needs of vulnerable children, they could support these learners. The world faces a dark future if we do not find ways to care for the growing multitude of AIDS orphans. Besides being a human tragedy, in the African context this could aggravate the continent’s already high levels of poverty and crime (Guest 2003). The sociocultural and psychological impact is not the only threat. As a recent World Bank study suggests, unless the AIDS epidemic is addressed and combatted, badly-affected countries such as South Africa could face economic collapse within a few generations, simply because its workforce would be too ill to work (Young and Gander 2005). There is no doubt that the death of parents puts most orphans at risk of being confronted by powerful cumulative and often negative social changes in their lives, over which they have no personal control and which will affect their future well-being (Sengendo and Nambi 1997). In the planning and intervention programmes implemented by most countries, the focus is the concerns about the socioeconomic impact of the epidemic, insofar as physiological and safety needs may seem to require more immediate attention than psychosocial problems (Atwine et al. 2005). As far as the profile of orphans is concerned, a great deal of research information has been obtained over the years and the profile of these affected orphans and vulnerable children is well documented. These are the children who are: • least likely to be in school • least likely to have access to health care • least likely to receive meals • least likely to have basic needs met • unlikely to be receiving psychosocial or other support • unlikely to have their births registered • frequently victims of property-grabbing (Young and Gander 2005) These characteristics are also those taken into account in most of the programmes addressing the needs of these children and families. However, as stated earlier, the concern is the authentic need of vulnerable children to be guided towards adulthood by an adult who understands their special needs.

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The family as agent to guide children towards adulthood It is generally agreed that the family should be the basic source of security and support to children in their physical, emotional, cognitive, moral, social and spiritual development. Although Donald, Lazarus and Lolwana (1997) caution us that what is meant by ‘family’ in different cultures must be clarified, it is globally accepted that parents are the primary agents in guiding their children towards adulthood. Traditionally, the family plays an important role in the preparation of children for their entry into adult society. The family is seen as an important agent, because most parents love their children without needing the qualification of good behaviour, and an atmosphere of forgiveness and tolerance is embedded in this relationship. The experience of love protects children against the fear of rejection if they should fail. Within the family, they feel at home, safe and secure and they can be themselves. This implies a very special relationship between parents, who are the primary caregivers, and their children. Parents belong to their children and the children belong to their parents and, as such, form an educational unit (Wild 2001). In the sub-Saharan African context, the extended family was the traditional social security system. Its members were responsible for the protection of the vulnerable; they cared for the poor and the sick and for the transmission of traditional social values and education, and therefore were the facilitators of growth towards adulthood. In recent years, certain social and economic changes (such as migratory labour, the cash economy, demographic change, formal education and Westernisation) as well as changes to the family structure have occurred and weakened the extended and the nuclear family. The family can therefore no longer be seen as the only social structure able to address the problems caused by HIV and AIDS (Foster et al. 1997, de Witt and Lessing 2005). In contemporary African society, in the absence of the traditional family-based education and social influences, social values are likely to be acquired at school and during interactions of children with their peers, rather than through traditional mechanisms. This has lessened the ability of older people to exert social control over the younger generation by introducing them to cultural values, a situation which surely threatens progress towards responsible adulthood (Foster et al. 1997). From the well-known words of Schmidt (1973), that children can only become adults in the presence and with the intervention of adults, it is clear that children’s inborn potential for adulthood is developed with the support of adults. Consequently, children cannot always take responsibility for their actions and the outcomes of their behaviour, because they do not yet fully understand or know how to behave (du Toit and Kruger 1991). Children are not yet fully world-oriented and, therefore, are dependent on other people, of whom the parents are the closest, for their orientation in the world. According to Mwamwenda (1995), socialisation in African cultures mainly takes place through social observation and imitation of parents and other members of the nuclear and extended family. The availability of parents and a healthy climate within the family are of key importance for the development of children towards adulthood. Parents also have the task of socialising their children, in order to prepare them for their entry into social reality. Parents support them in this by choosing the social influences that they can control, such as friends, books, youth organisations and recreational pursuits. Parents discuss social influences, such as advertisements and music, which they cannot control. In understanding the African social context, the concept of umuntu ngamuntu ngabantu (meaning ‘I am because you are, you are because I am’) is of the utmost importance because this determines relationships, attitudes and interdependency and a form of humanism which could engender ‘communal embeddedness and connectedness of a person to other persons’ (AACC 1999, Higgs 2003, Waghid 2004). Such an understanding of ubuntu could orient an African philosophy of education towards the cultivation of ‘virtues such as kindness, generosity, compassion, benevolence, courtesy and respect and concern for others’ (Higgs 2003, Waghid 2004).

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Deconstructing adulthood Identifying the importance of what defines adulthood in a specific context involves a closer look at the role of cultural value systems. Where culture is a broad abstraction that includes a society’s forms of knowledge, belief systems, languages, religion and values, these become imperative in guiding children towards adulthood. In general, one could argue that in order to reach adequate adulthood, children should achieve responsible self-determination, constructive participation in social life and personal access to the evaluative norms that apply within their own and broader society. Culture can then be seen as very specific for each particular group, and can be defined as a set of variables that includes attitudes, values, norms, beliefs and customs that are transmitted to those group members, creating a sense of identity as well as a pattern of behaviour. Culture therefore influences how an individual thinks, acts and feels (Gollnick and Chinn 1996). The establishment of an appropriate practice that enables all learners to construct a knowledgeable, confident, positive self-identity and to develop multiple perspectives in understanding self, other and diverse social phenomena, all of which are fundamental cognitive tools, becomes a crucial component in guiding children towards adulthood (Huyn 1998). Teachers conventionally seem to be among the initial agents for learners’ well-being. However, in this context, each educator’s appropriate practice reflects social values based on his or her own sociocultural background. Teachers translate those values into experiences for individual learners. Once teachers practise in a classroom with learners who come from different sociocultural backgrounds from their own, they should go beyond their own sociocultural background to incorporate the diverse sociocultural backgrounds of all the learners into their classroom interactions and activities (Huyn 1998). Given that culture and context play a vital role in people’s understanding of the concept of adulthood, one can assume that this understanding will be different for each particular group. This makes it essential to deconstruct (Derrida in Lana-Robert 2002) the concept of adulthood, in order to make it relevant for those involved. The moment that the school, in the absence of parents, takes up the role of guiding children towards adulthood, a very natural and uncomplicated action becomes intricate and full of pitfalls. It is reasonable to ask how we know that our explanations and interpretations correspond with reality. How do we know that our own life experience and processes of knowing do not influence our perceptions of reality (Lana-Robert 2002)? In planning an appropriate curriculum, all the variables need to be taken into account and the relationships between norms, values and culture need to be addressed, with the understanding that these could be different for different communities. In an African context, analysing the African experience seems to be of the utmost importance and involves rationally and humanely examining the values, beliefs, practices and institutions of African communities. This also finds expression in Higgs’s (2003) explanations of ubuntu and human activism. Parker’s thinking on Africana is also informed by this idea, which suggests that a philosophical inquiry examines the life experiences, cultural traditions and oral narratives of Africa’s peoples and their ‘life world’ (Waghid 2004). The question asked by Verharen (2002) is how an Afrocentric curriculum can embrace these distinctive approaches toward Africanised material from different contexts without hopelessly confusing students. The accusation has been made by Verharen (2002) that Afrocentrists have not yet agreed on an explicit autonomous philosophy that addresses philosophy’s four basic questions: What exists? How can we know it? What is valuable? How should we live our lives? Verharen (2002) also emphasises the important role played by archaeology, cultural anthropology and history (Hountondji 2000). All this forms part of the reality of diversity and points to the fact that values such as freedom, autonomy and human rights, truth and scientific knowledge, justice and fairness can be interpreted differently by different groups (Waghid 2004, Hountondji 2000). The values emphasised by different

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researchers indicate the complexity of what can be termed a ‘just community’. Values such as sharing, caring, fairness, negotiation and democracy are seen by Enrich (2000) as a key step in building what he describes as the ‘just community’. One can also expect that it is not only moral values that are important, but also religious, economic, social and political values (Kotzé 2005). Helping young people to function in a global society, with all its influences, becomes an essential part of their education. This complicates the process of deconstructing adulthood from different perspectives.

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The role of the school In addressing the needs of vulnerable children, the school can, in the absence of parents, be seen as the most important agent (loco parentis).The harsh reality is that the reduced or absent parental care and protection, as well as the inevitably increased economic hardship for these families, may mean that these children may not receive an education or any educational intervention (UNICEF 2005). It is thus of the utmost importance that a system be implemented to ensure that all children attend school. It is a pity that, according to Young and Gander (2005), orphans and vulnerable children are still more likely to be out of school than those who are still with their families. According to these researchers, the reasons given for non-attendance varied, but a common theme to emerge was the difficulty many children face in paying school fees and buying school materials and uniforms. Other factors mentioned by Young and Gander (2005) were the household chores these children had to attend to, early marriage and pregnancy and, on the other hand, the shortage of classrooms in poor communities. Never before in history has quality education been such a powerful force, potentially breaking the stranglehold of a deadly pandemic and its effects. With this in mind, educators and caregivers have an extraordinary opportunity and responsibility to provide children and young people with a safe space in which to understand and cope in a world of HIV and AIDS. Education represents the best opportunity not only for delivering crucial information on HIV and AIDS, but also for guiding children towards adulthood (UNICEF 2005). Not only can the health and physical well-being of these children be addressed by educators, but the creation and maintenance of responsible adulthood and citizenship. Taking the whole scenario into consideration, it is probable that primary education will be the only education that orphans and vulnerable children ever receive, and every opportunity must be used (Young and Gander 2005). Education is a powerful instrument and it can either reproduce social imbalances and inequities or transform societies (UNICEF 2005). In planning school curricula, one can ask whether the explanation given by Jackman (2001) — that the social studies curriculum emphasises basic goals that encourage children to become selfreliant contributing members of their society — is correct. Jackman (2001) claims that these goals play a role and encourage learners to make choices, act independently and develop a sense of responsibility and respect for themselves. But are the specific needs of the various groups addressed by these curricula? A recent study by de Witt and Lessing (2005) clearly shows that teachers’ perceptions and knowledge of orphans differ significantly. Factors such as teaching position, gender, age and phase of teaching played a role in their perceptions of these children. Regarding programmes in place to address the needs of orphans, only 50% of the participants indicated that their schools provided support programmes. Food and clothing were viewed as the most important needs, although teachers indicated that they were also aware of these children’s desire for acceptance, love and emotional support (de Witt and Lessing 2005). Recommendations The most obvious recommendation would be the implementation of those strategies suggested by Young and Gander (2005):

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strengthen the capacity of families to protect and care for orphans and vulnerable children by prolonging the lives of HIV-positive parents and by providing families with financial, economic and psychosocial support • mobilise and support community-based responses • ensure that orphans and vulnerable children have access to essential services, including education, health care and birth registration • ensure that governments protect the most vulnerable children through improved policy and legislation and by channelling resources to families and communities in the most effective way • raise awareness at all levels through advocacy and social mobilisation, in order to create a supportive environment for those children and families affected by HIV and AIDS To be more clear about the role played by schools, teachers should be mobilised to play a major role in the lives of AIDS-affected orphans. The school system and curricula can be used to implement strategies to cover a wide range of needs, including economic, health, psychosocial and cultural needs (Atwine et al. 2005). Community awareness could be increased by including issues concerning orphans and their needs in the agendas of village schools, in religious sermons, and at community gatherings (Atwine et al. 2005). African countries should also strive to give effect to the plea as recorded in the UNICEF document ‘Girls, HIV/AIDS and education’ (UNICEF 2005: 5), that they will, by ‘… 2003 develop, and by 2005 implement, national policies and strategies to: build and strengthen governmental, family and community capacities to provide a supportive environment for orphans, including providing appropriate counselling and psychosocial support; ensure these children’s enrolment in school and access to shelter, good nutrition, health and social services on an equal basis with other children; protect orphans and vulnerable children from all forms of abuse, violence, exploitation, discrimination, trafficking and loss of inheritance’. If the course of the pandemic is to change, young people must receive quality education in a safe and secure environment. This should include a programme addressing the sociocultural needs and value systems of the specific community. All these planned and selected ingredients should be aimed at helping young people to gain knowledge, learn skills, change attitudes and ultimately acquire behaviours that will protect them and guide them towards adulthood (UNICEF 2005). It is important to note that such a programme is not about HIV and AIDS but about responsible adulthood. Planning a curriculum to address the needs of these vulnerable children will have to take into account the essence of proper adulthood in a very specific context. The full impact of the diversity of learners and their communities will, therefore, have to be accommodated in such a curriculum. It is recommended that a thorough investigation be conducted into the importance of individual and community interpretations of responsible adulthood in the life world of people. A recent review of progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) observed that it is now essential for international institutions, governments and civil society to put even greater political and financial resources into achieving the MDGs and moving forward to achieving children’s rights (Backhurst et al. 2004). References Aids Africa (2005) Available at [email protected] [accessed 27 August 2005] All Africa Conference of Churches/AACC (1999) Youth peace training manual Atwine B, Cantor-Graae E and Bajunrwe F (2005) Psychological distress among AIDS orphans in rural Uganda. Social Science & Medicine 61. Available at: doi10.1016/j.socscimed. 2004.12.018 [accessed August 2005] Backhurst J, Collen S and Young H (2004) Small voices, big concerns. A child-rights approach to HIV/AIDS. Recommendation for meeting European community commitments to poverty reduction. World Vision EU Liaison Office. Available at www.worldvision.org.uk [Accessed August 2005] Dane B and Levine C (1994) AIDS and the New Orphans. Coping with Death. Auburn House, Westport Connecticut

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de Witt MW and Lessing AC (2005) Educators’ views on the needs and support of HIV/AIDS orphans in their psychosocial development. Journal of Child and Adolescent Mental Health 17: 13–22 Donald D, Lazarus S and Lolwana P (1997) Educational Psychology in Social Context. Challenges of Development, Social Issues, and Special Need in Southern Africa. Oxford University Press, Cape Town du Toit SJ and Kruger N (1991) Die Kind: ’n Opvoedkundige Perspektief. Butterworths, Durban Enrich LC (2000) Principals as morally accountable leaders. International Journal of Education Reform 9: 120–127 Foster G, Makuta C, Drew R and Kralovec E (1997) Factors leading to the establishment of children-headed households: the case of Zimbabwe. Health Transition Review 7: 155–168 Giese S, Meintjies H and Chamberlain R (2002) Preliminary draft: guideline for health and social services for addressing the needs of children experiencing orphanhood. Children’s Institute, University of Cape Town, South Africa Goggin K, Catley D, Brisco Engelson ES, Rabkin JG and Kotler DP (2001) A female perspective on living with HIV disease. Health and Social Work 26: 80–89 Gollnick DM and Chinn PC (1996) Multicultural Education in a Pluralistic Society (3rd edn). OH: Merill, Columbus Guest E (2001) Children of AIDS: Africa’s Orphan Crises. University of Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg Guest E (2003) Children of AIDS: Africa’s Orphan Crises. Pluto Press, London Higgs P (2003) African philosophy and the transformation of educational discourse in South Africa. Journal of Education 30: 4–22 Hountondji PJ (2000) The struggle for meaning. Reflections on philosophy, culture, and democracy in Africa. Ohio University Center for International Studies. Research in International Studies. Africa Series No. 78, Athens Huyn E (1998) Making Sense of Developmentally and Culturally Appropriate Practice (DCAP) in Early Childhood Education. Peter Lang, New York Jackman HL (2001) Early Education Curriculum. A Child’s Connection to the World (2nd edn). Library of Congress, Washington DC Kotzé H (2005) Value change in South Africa, 1990-2001. Unedited draft chapter. In: Inglehart R et al. (eds), Changing Values, Persisting Cultures: Comparative Findings for the World Value Surveys Lana-Robert E (2002) Deconstruction and psychology. Journal of Mind and Behavior 23: 125–178 Mwamwenda TS (1995) Educational Psychology: an African Perspective. Butterworths, Durban Njoko M (2000) How do you say goodbye to your child? Children FIRST 4: 3–4 Pequegnat W and Szapocznik J (2002) Working with Families in the Era of HIV/AIDS. Sage, Thousand Oaks Schmidt WHO (1973) Child Development. Harper & Row, New York Sengendo J and Nambi J (1997) The psychological effect of orphanhood: a study of orphans in Rakai district. Health Transition Review 7: 105–124 UNICEF (2005) Girls, HIV/AIDS and education. UNICEF Division of Communication, New York. Available at http://www.synergyaids.com/document/Girls_HIV_AIDSEducation.pdf [accessed 3 May 2005] Verharen CC (2002) Philosophy’s roles in Afrocentric education. Journal of Black Studies 32: 295–321 Waghid Y (2004) Revisiting the African-Africana philosophy of education debate: implications for university teaching. Journal of Education 34: 127–142 Wild L (2001) The psychosocial adjustment of children orphaned by AIDS. Southern African Journal of Child and Adolescent Mental Health 13: 3–22 Young H and Gander C (2005) More than Words. Action for Orphans and Vulnerable Children in Africa. World Vision UK

Africa's orphan crisis - is it the teacher's concern?

The fact that almost 15% of children in 11 of the 43 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are orphans is daunting indeed. This reality of large numbers of ...
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